The First Thing We Do, Let’s Kill All The Lawyers
<span class="excerpt_part">...fears. Notable examples of judicial and legal corruption in Georgia include: • 2008 Alapaha Judicial Circuit <strong>Scand</strong>al: A federal investigation uncovered a corruption ring in rural Clinch County. Longtime Superior...</span>
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Roughly 1 in 18 adult Georgians is either in prison, in jail, on probation, or on parole—far above the national average. When justice becomes profit, everyone loses. https://gps.press/the-first-thing-we-do-lets-kill-all-the-lawyers/
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Georgia has one of the highest incarceration and supervision rates in the country. Roughly 1 in 18 adult Georgians is either in prison, in jail, on probation, or on parole. This didn't happen by accident—it's driven by a system where defense attorneys profit from quick plea deals, private probation companies make money keeping people under supervision as long as possible, and judges build careers on high conviction rates. When over 95% of convictions come from guilty pleas rather than trials, we're not seeing justice—we're seeing assembly-line processing.
How can a system reform itself when everyone with power to change it profits from keeping it exactly as it is?
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Georgia leads the nation in putting people under correctional control. Roughly 1 in 18 adult Georgians is either in prison, in jail, on probation, or on parole. Private probation companies supervise 80% of misdemeanor probationers, profiting by keeping people in the system as long as possible. Defense attorneys charge upfront fees then push for quick plea deals. Over 95% of convictions come from guilty pleas, not trials. This isn't justice—it's an industry.
#GeorgiaPrisons #PrisonReform #CriminalJustice #GPS #MassIncarceration #Georgia
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Georgia's criminal justice system reveals how profit motives can corrupt the administration of justice. The state maintains one of the highest incarceration and supervision rates nationally, with roughly 1 in 18 adult Georgians under correctional control. Structural incentives drive this: private probation companies profit from extended supervision, defense attorneys benefit from volume plea processing, and elected officials build careers on conviction rates.
With over 95% of convictions obtained through guilty pleas rather than trials, and 80% of misdemeanor probationers supervised by for-profit companies, Georgia exemplifies how justice can become secondary to economic interests. Reform requires addressing these fundamental conflicts of interest.