Follow the Money · Private Prisons

Where Georgia’s private-prison money goes

Georgia pays two publicly traded corporations more than $1 billion to run prisons for profit. Both carry long records of understaffing, violence, and death — and a business model that pays off when more people are locked up, longer.

$1.11BGDC payments, FY2018–2025 (Open Georgia)
The concentration
78%

Nearly four out of every five private-prison dollars — about $861 million — go to a single company, CoreCivic, now the subject of a U.S. Department of Justice civil-rights investigation. The rest goes to The GEO Group. There is no third option and no public operator competing on price: Georgia has handed two Wall-Street companies a billion-dollar franchise to incarcerate its residents. Source: Open Georgia vendor payments FY2018–2025 (CoreCivic + CCA ≈ $870M of $1.11B total).

Eight years of it

The money over time

$136M
FY18
$140M
FY19
$141M
FY20
$130M
FY21
$130M
FY22
$133M
FY23
$148M
FY24
$150M
FY25

GDC payments to private-prison operators per fiscal year (Open Georgia) — a steady, recession-proof ~$140M/year to keep the beds full.

Where it goes

Follow each dollar

Channel 1

CoreCivic — the franchise

$861Mto CoreCivic, FY18–25 (NYSE: CXW)

CoreCivic (formerly Corrections Corporation of America) is the largest US private-prison operator. The DOJ opened a 2024 civil-rights investigation into its Trousdale Turner facility citing stabbings, assaults, murders, deaths, and sexual misconduct; Tennessee fined the company more than $29.5 million for understaffing, and it has faced roughly 700 lawsuits since 2020. Georgia keeps paying.

Sources: DOJ press release on the Trousdale investigation; Tennessee Lookout / Fortune on the fines; SEC filings; Open Georgia.

Channel 2

The GEO Group

$239Mto GEO Group, FY18–25 (NYSE: GEO)

The GEO Group runs private prisons and ICE detention. Its record includes deaths in ICE custody, $1-a-day forced-labor litigation in multiple states, and persistent understaffing and inadequate-care allegations. It was a real-estate investment trust until 2021, when it converted to a taxable corporation — a tax maneuver, not a change in how it runs a prison.

Sources: AFSC Investigate; multi-state forced-labor litigation dockets; SEC filings; Open Georgia.

Channel 3

The incentive built into the contract

The throughline is structural. A private operator’s revenue depends on keeping beds full — every empty bed is lost margin. That is a financial interest in more people incarcerated, for longer: the exact opposite of what a parole board, a sentencing reform, or an oversight system is supposed to want. Georgia has put that incentive on its own payroll.

Sources: GPS analysis; standard private-corrections contract structure (per-diem / occupancy).

What the state won’t show

The numbers we can’t see — and why

  • Per-facility staffing and incident data the operators report to the state — not public per facility.
  • Whether contract penalties are actually assessed when conditions fail, or quietly waived.
  • Any occupancy guarantee or minimum-payment floor in the Georgia contracts.

We publish the verified figures and label the gaps. How we verify →

A billion dollars is buying the incentive to keep Georgians locked up. The legislators who renew these contracts work for you, not for CoreCivic.

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