Georgia Spends $1.5 Billion a Year on Prisons. People Leave Worse Than When They Went In.

This explainer is based on Recidivism & Reentry Failures in Georgia. All statistics and findings are drawn directly from this source.

Also available as: Public Explainer | Legislator Brief | Media Brief | Advocate Brief

TL;DR

Georgia locks up about 50,000 people. It spends $1.48 billion a year doing it. The state says only 25–27% of people come back to prison. But the real number is closer to 50%. The state spends just $172,000 on job training — that’s $3.44 per person per year. The U.S. Department of Justice found that people “leave prison worse than when they came in.” Georgia refuses to expand Medicaid. This means people leave prison at their most sick — and the state denies them health care.

Why This Matters

If your loved one is in a Georgia prison, this is what they face:

  • Almost no job training. The state spends $3.44 per person per year on it. That’s less than a bag of chips from the prison store.
  • No health care when they get out. 78% of men and 66% of women have no insurance 2–3 months after release. The risk of dying is 12.7 times higher in the first two weeks out.
  • No place to go. Only 2,344 beds exist to help people move back into life. But 14,000–16,000 people leave prison each year. That means about 85% get no help.
  • Danger inside. 142 people were killed in Georgia prisons from 2018 to 2023. The DOJ says gangs run some units. Most new guards quit within a year.

This is not just a prison problem. It is a family problem. When the state fails your loved one, it fails your whole family.

Key Takeaway: Georgia’s prison system fails people inside and sets them up to fail when they come home — and families pay the price.

Georgia’s Real Return-to-Prison Rate Is Double What the State Claims

Georgia says 25–27% of people go back to prison within three years. That sounds low. But the state only counts new felony cases. It leaves out a lot.

What gets left out:

  • People sent back for breaking parole rules (missed meetings, failed drug tests)
  • People who get arrested but aren’t convicted
  • People who go back to prison after year three
  • People who die after release (which is itself a sign of failure)

Georgia watches over 478,000 people on parole and probation. That’s 1 in 23 residents. Many of them go back to prison for rule breaks — not new crimes. But the state doesn’t count them.

When you add it all up, the real rate is closer to 50%. About half the people who leave prison end up back behind bars.

Key Takeaway: The state hides half the failure. When you count everyone who goes back — not just new felony cases — about 1 in 2 people return to prison.

$1.48 Billion for Cages, $172,000 for Job Training

The Georgia prison system’s budget for 2025 is $1.48 billion. That’s a $214 million jump in just two years. It costs $31,612 to lock up one person for a year. That’s $86.61 per day.

Here’s where the money goes:

  • $43 million for guard pay raises (because 82.7% of new guards quit within a year)
  • $72 million more for health care and drug costs inside prisons
  • $52 million for prison buildings and safety
  • $38 million for private prison deals

And here’s what goes to help people rebuild their lives: $172,000 for job training. For 50,000 people. That’s $3.44 per person per year.

There is no budget line for reentry planning. No line for help after release. No line for housing support. For every dollar spent on reentry, thousands go to locking people up.

Key Takeaway: Georgia spends $3.44 per person per year on job training — less than a single item from the prison store.

Georgia Already Proved a Better Way Works — Then Walked Away

From 2012 to 2015, Governor Deal tried a new approach. He used facts and data to change how Georgia handled crime. The results were clear:

  • The prison population dropped by 6%
  • The state saved $264 million
  • $57 million went back into programs that reduce crime
  • Crime did not go up

The current leaders threw that playbook away. Instead, they added $214 million in prison spending over two years. There has been no boost to public safety. The DOJ found some of the worst civil rights abuses in its history.

This isn’t bad luck. It’s a choice.

Key Takeaway: Georgia proved it could cut prison numbers, save money, and keep people safe — then chose to go back to the old way.

2,344 Beds for 14,000+ People Coming Home

Georgia runs 12 centers to help people move from prison to the real world. These centers have a total of 2,344 beds. Only 2 of these centers serve women, with just 346 beds.

But 14,000 to 16,000 people leave prison each year. That means fewer than 15% get a spot. The other 85% walk out with no real plan.

Many of these people have been locked up for years. Some for decades. They leave places the DOJ says lack schooling and mental health care. Then they’re on their own.

Housing after release is almost as thin. Some programs exist, but they serve small numbers. Faith groups and nonprofits try to fill the gap. But they help dozens or hundreds — not the thousands who need it.

Key Takeaway: 85% of people leaving Georgia prisons get no help with the move back to life outside.

No Health Care When People Are Most Likely to Die

The first two weeks after release are the most deadly. The risk of dying is 12.7 times higher than for the general public. The main causes? Drug overdose, heart disease, murder, and suicide. All of these can be treated or stopped with health care.

But Georgia refuses to fully expand Medicaid. About 175,000 people in the state fall into a “coverage gap.” They make too little for marketplace insurance. But they don’t qualify for Medicaid either.

The state tried a smaller plan called “Pathways to Coverage.” It was meant to cover 64,000 people. As of early 2025, only 4,900 to 6,500 had signed up.

Here’s what that means for people leaving prison:

  • 78% of men have no insurance 2–3 months out
  • 66% of women have no insurance 2–3 months out
  • 68% of men still have no insurance 8–10 months out
  • 58% of women still have no insurance 8–10 months out

The state locks people up, lets their health get worse, then sends them out with no way to see a doctor.

Key Takeaway: Georgia releases people at their sickest — then denies them the health care that could save their lives.

People Are Dying of Overdoses the State Could Prevent

Between 50% and 66% of people entering Georgia’s prisons have a drug problem. That’s more than half.

The risk of overdose in the first two weeks after release is 129 times higher than for the general public. For opioid overdose, it’s 40 times higher. Overdose is the top cause of death for people who just got out.

There are medicines that work. They’re called MOUD — drugs like methadone and others. When Rhode Island gave these medicines to people in prison and after release, overdose deaths dropped by 75%.

Georgia barely uses these medicines. Worse, research shows that bad drug treatment inside prisons makes people less willing to get help when they leave. The system isn’t just failing to treat addiction. It’s making people avoid treatment.

Every one of these overdose deaths is something the state could stop.

Key Takeaway: Overdose risk is 129 times higher in the first two weeks after release. Proven medicines cut death by 75%, but Georgia barely uses them.

Job Training Cuts Reoffending in Half — But the State Gutted It

Georgia’s own data tells the story. People who finish job training programs in prison come back at a rate of about 13%. That’s half the general rate.

A 2015 study found that getting a GED or trade certificate while locked up cuts reoffending by 17%.

So what did Georgia do? It cut these programs. The DOJ found that prisons had less schooling and job training, not more. And conditions are so violent that even people who want to learn can’t.

On top of that, 1 in 6 Georgia jobs needs a state license. A criminal record can block people from getting one. Recent reforms help, but they still leave out people who just got out — the ones who need work the most.

The state spends $172,000 on job training for 50,000 people. Then it wonders why half come back.

Key Takeaway: Job training cuts the return rate in half. Georgia’s response? Spend $3.44 per person and cut programs.

The DOJ Found Some of the Worst Prison Conditions in U.S. History

In October 2024, the DOJ released a report on 17 Georgia prisons. They said these were “among the most severe violations” of civil rights they had ever seen.

What they found:

  • 142 people killed in Georgia prisons from 2018 to 2023
  • 35 killed in 2023 alone, with 66 deaths under review by 2024
  • Gangs control housing in some prisons
  • Guards can’t or won’t step in
  • 82.7% of new guards quit within their first year
  • Schools and mental health care are lacking
  • Too many people are put in solitary

The DOJ’s bottom line: people “leave prison worse than when they came in.”

This means Georgia’s $1.5 billion a year doesn’t make anyone safer. It makes things worse. People go in with problems. They come out with more.

But one prison — Walker State Prison — had no recent killings and better conditions. It had more staff and real programs. This proves that the horrors at other prisons are not a given. They are the result of choices.

Key Takeaway: The federal government says Georgia’s prisons produce “among the most severe” civil rights abuses — and make people worse, not better.

Black Families Bear the Heaviest Burden

58% of people in Georgia’s prisons are Black. But only 33% of the state’s people are Black. That means Black people are locked up at nearly twice their share of the population.

This isn’t just about who’s inside. It’s about who pays. Black families:

  • Pay high prices at the prison store so loved ones can eat
  • Pay steep fees just to talk on the phone
  • Take on the cost when their loved one comes home with no job, no housing, and no health care

The system pulls money and people out of Black communities. Then it sends people back broken and unsupported. The cost is not shared equally. It never has been.

Key Takeaway: 58% of Georgia’s prison population is Black, though Black people are 33% of the state — and Black families bear the cost of the system’s failures.

What We’re Asking For

GPS calls on Georgia’s leaders — and all 2026 candidates for governor — to act:

  1. Bring back what worked. Restore Governor Deal’s approach: cut the prison population with proven methods, save money, and put it back into programs.
  2. Expand Medicaid fully. People need health care from day one after release. People are dying because the state says no.
  3. Triple the number of beds for people coming home. Go from 2,344 beds to at least 7,000 — enough for about half of all releases.
  4. Give addiction medicine to everyone who needs it. Put MOUD in every prison and keep it going after release. Rhode Island cut overdose deaths by 75% this way.
  5. Fund real job training. Raise the budget from $172,000 to at least $15 million — just 1% of the prison budget.
  6. Fix what the DOJ found. Build a real plan to end the violence, staffing crisis, and lack of programs.
  7. Tell the truth about who comes back. Count everyone — not just new felony cases. Include parole breaks, arrests, and deaths.

Glossary

  • Recidivism (re-SID-uh-viz-um): When someone goes back to prison after being released. Georgia only counts new felony cases within three years. This leaves out many people who return.

  • Technical violation: Breaking a rule of parole or probation — like missing a meeting or failing a drug test — that can send someone back to prison without a new crime.

  • MOUD (Medicines for Opioid Use Disorder): FDA-approved drugs like methadone that treat opioid addiction. They cut overdose deaths by 75% when used in prison and after release.

  • Medicaid expansion: A federal option that lets states give health coverage to more low-income adults. Georgia has said no, leaving about 175,000 people with no coverage at all.

  • Coverage gap: When someone makes too little for marketplace insurance but doesn’t qualify for Medicaid. About 175,000 Georgians are stuck here.

  • Justice reinvestment: Using data to cut prison spending and put that money into programs that actually reduce crime. Georgia did this from 2012 to 2015 and it worked.

  • Transition center: A place meant to help people move from prison back to normal life. Georgia has 12 with 2,344 beds total.

  • GDC: Georgia Department of Corrections — the state agency that runs the prison system.

  • Deliberate indifference: A legal term meaning officials knew about a serious danger and chose to ignore it. The DOJ used this term about Georgia’s prisons.

  • Truth in Sentencing: Laws that make people serve most of their sentence (often 85% or more) before they can be released. This keeps people away from their families and communities longer.

  • Occupational licensing: State permits needed for certain jobs. A criminal record can block people from getting them. 1 in 6 Georgia jobs requires one.

Read the Source Document

This explainer is based on the GPS Investigative Research Brief: Recidivism & Reentry Failures in Georgia (February 2026).

📄 Read the full research brief (PDF)

The brief cites data from the Georgia Department of Corrections, the U.S. Department of Justice, the Kaiser Family Foundation, the RAND Corporation, and other public sources. All sources are listed in the full document.

Other Versions

This topic is also available in versions written for different audiences:

  • 🏛️ Legislator Brief — Policy-focused version for lawmakers and staff
  • 📰 Media Summary — For journalists and reporters
  • 📢 Advocate Toolkit — For organizations and community leaders working on prison reform

Sources & References

  1. Investigation of the Georgia Department of Corrections, U.S. Department of Justice Civil Rights Division, September 2024. U.S. Department of Justice Civil Rights Division (2024-09-01) Legal Document
  2. Balawajder EF, et al., Medications for Opioid Use Disorder in US Jails, JAMA Network Open, 2024 — Balawajder EF, et al.. JAMA Network Open (2024-01-01) Academic
  3. Columbia University Justice Lab, Mass Supervision, 2024. Columbia University Justice Lab (2024-01-01) Academic
  4. Graves BD, Fendrich M, Community-Based Substance Use Treatments, Drug and Alcohol Dependence Reports, 2024 — Graves BD, Fendrich M. Drug and Alcohol Dependence Reports (2024-01-01) Academic
  5. Senate Study Committee Final Report on GDC, 2024. Georgia State Senate (2024-01-01) Official Report
  6. Bureau of Justice Statistics, Prisoners in 2023. Bureau of Justice Statistics (2023-01-01) Official Report
  7. Green TC, et al., Postincarceration Fatal Overdoses, JAMA Psychiatry, 2018 — Green TC, et al.. JAMA Psychiatry (2018-04-01) Academic
  8. Pew Charitable Trusts, Georgia’s Justice Reforms. Pew Charitable Trusts (2017-06-01) Official Report
  9. RAND Corporation, Evaluating the Effectiveness of Correctional Education, 2013. RAND Corporation (2013-01-01) Academic
  10. Mallik-Kane K, Visher CA, Health and Prisoner Reentry, Urban Institute, 2008 — Mallik-Kane K, Visher CA. Urban Institute (2008-01-01) Academic
  11. Binswanger IA, et al., Release from Prison — A High Risk of Death for Former Inmates, NEJM, 2007 — Binswanger IA, et al.. New England Journal of Medicine (2007-01-11) Academic
  12. Bureau of Justice Assistance, COSSUP Program. Bureau of Justice Assistance Official Report
  13. Bureau of Justice Statistics, Correctional Populations in the United States. Bureau of Justice Statistics Official Report
  14. Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services, Opportunities to Test Transition-Related Strategies. Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services Official Report
  15. Collateral Consequences Resource Center. Collateral Consequences Resource Center Data Portal
  16. Council of State Governments Justice Center, Georgia’s Justice Reinvestment Approach. Council of State Governments Justice Center Official Report
  17. Georgetown University Health Policy Institute, Georgia Pathways Enrollment Data. Georgetown University Center for Children and Families Academic
  18. Georgia Board of Pardons and Paroles, Annual Reports. Georgia Board of Pardons and Paroles Official Report
  19. Georgia Board of Pardons and Paroles, Reentry Services. Georgia Board of Pardons and Paroles Official Report
  20. Georgia Department of Community Supervision. Georgia Department of Community Supervision Official Report
  21. Georgia Department of Corrections, Annual Statistical Reports. Georgia Department of Corrections Official Report
  22. Georgia Department of Corrections, Budget Documents. Georgia Department of Corrections Official Report
  23. Georgia Department of Corrections, Facilities Division — Transitional Centers. Georgia Department of Corrections Official Report
  24. Georgia Justice Project, Georgia Criminal Justice Data. Georgia Justice Project Data Portal
  25. Governor’s Office of Planning and Budget, FY 2025 Governor’s Budget Report. Governor’s Office of Planning and Budget Official Report
  26. Kaiser Family Foundation, Status of State Medicaid Expansion Decisions. Kaiser Family Foundation Data Portal
  27. Medicaid and CHIP Payment and Access Commission (MACPAC), Medicaid and Incarceration. MACPAC Official Report
  28. National Association of Counties, Effective Treatment for Opioid Use Disorder for Incarcerated Populations. National Association of Counties Official Report
  29. Prison Policy Initiative, Georgia Profile. Prison Policy Initiative Data Portal
  30. Sen. Ossoff, Pushing to Expand Substance Abuse Treatment. Office of Senator Jon Ossoff Press Release
  31. U.S. Department of Labor, Reentry Employment Opportunities. U.S. Department of Labor Official Report
Also available as: Public Explainer | Legislator Brief | Media Brief | Advocate Brief

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