An analysis of 227,000 GDC records reveals a troubling pattern at the heart of Georgia’s parole system: for thousands of people granted parole, “early release” saves them almost no time at all. Over a third of parolees were released within 12 months of their maximum release date—raising questions about whether the Parole Board provides meaningful clemency or simply rubber-stamps inevitable releases while maintaining the appearance of a functioning system.
Of the 7,686 non-lifer parolees with determinable release dates, 2,807—or 36.5%—were released within 12 months of when they would have been released anyway. Another 1,368, representing 17.8%, were released within just six months of their max-out date.
For these individuals, “parole” isn’t early release. It’s paperwork—an administrative process that extends state supervision without providing meaningful time off their sentence.
At $86.61 per day to incarcerate someone in Georgia, each additional year served costs taxpayers $31,612. 1">https://gps.press/wp-content/uploads/2025/12/FY2024-Cost-Per-Day-Consolidated-Summary.pdf)) The Parole Board’s near-max-out release pattern doesn’t save Georgia money. It just shifts costs from incarceration to supervision while maintaining the illusion of an active parole system.
The Two-Tier System
The data reveals something counterintuitive: Georgia’s Parole Board treats drug traffickers far more favorably than people convicted of property crimes or simple drug possession.
| Category | Parolees | Near Max-Out | Meaningful Release | Near Max-Out % | Avg. Years Before Max-Out |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Drug Trafficking | 1,993 | 475 | 1,501 | 23.8% | 3.4 years |
| Property Crimes | 1,239 | 569 | 661 | 45.9% | 1.8 years |
| Simple Possession | 245 | 155 | 89 | 63.3% | 5 months |
Drug traffickers—including those convicted of trafficking hundreds of grams of cocaine or methamphetamine—receive meaningful early release averaging 3.4 years before their max-out date. Over 76% of paroled drug traffickers received more than a year of early release.
But for someone convicted of shoplifting, entering a vehicle, or simple possession? The Board waits until they’re nearly at their max-out date before granting parole. Only 36% of simple possession parolees received meaningful early release. The average? Just five months.
The pattern holds across specific offenses. Among those with the highest near-max-out rates—essentially rubber-stamped releases—are entering vehicle cases at 73.3%, possession of cocaine at 70.6%, possession of methamphetamine at 67.4%, and theft by shoplifting at 61.1%.
Meanwhile, those with the lowest near-max-out rates—meaning they received meaningful early release—include trafficking meth in quantities of 200-399 grams at just 7.5%, trafficking cocaine over 400 grams at 9.5%, trafficking meth over 400 grams at 11.1%, and armed robbery at 17.6%.
This creates a perverse outcome. People convicted of relatively minor offenses—the ones who arguably pose the least public safety risk and would benefit most from earlier reintegration—are held until the last possible moment. Meanwhile, those convicted of trafficking large quantities of drugs receive years of early release.
The Lifer Question
The Parole Board frequently points to lifer paroles as evidence of meaningful clemency decisions. And it’s true: 1,452 people serving life sentences are currently on parole in Georgia.
But who are they?
Using birth year as a proxy for conviction era—since GDC blocks access to actual conviction dates—the data tells a clear story. Of lifers currently on parole, 136 were born before 1950, likely convicted in the 1970s-1980s. Another 388 were born in the 1950s, likely convicted in the 1980s-1990s. The largest group, 562 individuals, were born in the 1960s and likely convicted in the 1990s-2000s. Those born in the 1970s number 350, with convictions likely from the 2000s-2010s. Only 16 lifers on parole were born in the 1980s.
Ninety-nine percent of lifers currently on parole were born before 1980. The overwhelming majority were convicted decades ago—long before the current Board came to power.
The current Parole Board, composed entirely of Governor Kemp’s appointees with one member appointed late in Governor Deal’s term, rarely grants parole to recently-convicted lifers. The 1,452 lifers on parole largely reflect decisions made by previous Boards, not the current one.
The Collapse of Parole
This pattern didn’t emerge by accident. As GPS documented in our December investigation into Georgia’s shadow sentencing system, the Parole Board has systematically curtailed releases over the past five years. 2">https://gps.press/georgias-shadow-sentencing-system/))
| Fiscal Year | Cases Considered | Granted | Grant Rate |
|---|---|---|---|
| 2019 | 24,738 | 9,455 | 38% |
| 2020 | 21,790 | 10,429 | 48% |
| 2021 | 16,255 | 8,634 | 53% |
| 2022 | 13,967 | 6,245 | 45% |
| 2023 | 17,151 | 5,863 | 34% |
| 2024 | 19,328 | 5,443 | 28% |
The grant rate collapsed from 38% in 2019 to a record-low 28% in 2024—a 42% decline in actual releases even as the prison population grew. 3">https://pap.georgia.gov/document/document/pardons-paroles-ar-2024i3-dec-30pdf/download))
The near-max-out data suggests that even this 28% figure overstates meaningful parole activity. If over a third of granted paroles come within 12 months of when the person would be released anyway, the Board’s meaningful grant rate is far lower than official statistics suggest.
The Secrecy
The full extent of this pattern remains obscured because Georgia officials refuse to release the data that would expose it.
On November 26, 2025, GPS submitted an Open Records request to the Georgia Department of Corrections seeking basic release data: GDC ID, release date, release type, facility, and days remaining on sentence for all individuals released between 2015 and 2024.
GDC’s response: Everything is exempt.
General Counsel Jennifer Ammons claimed that the entire database is protected under O.C.G.A. § 42-5-36(c)—the “central office files” exemption—because the data is “stored in the offenders’ central office files.”
GPS responded by citing Red & Black Publishing Co. v. Board of Regents, the Georgia Supreme Court case requiring agencies to segregate exempt from non-exempt material and produce all non-exempt portions. 4)
GDC’s reply revealed the truth: “The Commissioner exercises his discretion to declassify the data that is found on our website.” In other words, the Commissioner could release the data. He simply chooses not to.
The one field that would definitively prove the near-max-out pattern—actual release date—is the one GDC refuses to provide. With release dates, anyone could calculate exactly how much time parole saved each individual. Without them, the Board’s claims of meaningful early release cannot be independently verified.
GPS also submitted a separate request to the Parole Board itself on November 26, 2025, citing O.C.G.A. § 42-9-53(b)—the statute that specifically requires the Board to release “statistical and non-identifying data relating to parole.”
The Parole Board never responded.
What This Means
Georgia’s Parole Board operates with less transparency than almost any comparable body in the country. It conducts no hearings—decisions are made through “administrative review” of case files. It provides no written explanations when denying parole. Its individual votes are explicitly protected from public disclosure. And when journalists request the data that would reveal how it actually functions, both GDC and the Board itself block access.
The data GPS was able to obtain—scraped from GDC’s public website over several months—reveals a system that maintains the appearance of functioning while delivering little actual early release.
For drug traffickers, parole provides meaningful relief: years of freedom before their max-out date. For everyone else—the shoplifters, the possession cases, the property offenders who make up the bulk of Georgia’s prison population—parole is theater. A rubber stamp applied months before they would have walked out anyway.
This matters because Georgia is paying for it. At $86.61 per day, every month someone serves beyond when meaningful parole would have released them costs taxpayers $2,598. Multiply that across thousands of people, year after year, and the cumulative cost approaches the billions GPS has documented in prior investigations. 5">https://gps.press/georgia-truth-in-sentencing-40-billion-failure/))
It matters because families are suffering. People who could be home, working, supporting their children, rebuilding their lives—are instead sitting in facilities the U.S. Department of Justice has declared unconstitutionally violent and dangerous. 6">https://www.justice.gov/opa/pr/justice-department-finds-georgia-state-prisons-violate-constitution))
And it matters because the Parole Board claims to be doing something it largely isn’t. Every year, it publishes statistics showing thousands of paroles granted. What those statistics don’t reveal is how many of those “paroles” provided meaningful early release versus how many were rubber stamps on inevitable releases.
Now we know: for over a third of parolees, parole saved them less than a year.
That’s not early release. That’s parole theater.
Methodology
This analysis is based on 227,126 offender records scraped from the Georgia Department of Corrections public offender search between December 2025 and January 2026.
Of the 9,245 individuals with “PAROLE” status, 1,452 (15.7%) are serving life sentences and were excluded from max-out calculations, 7,686 (83.1%) are non-lifers with determinable max-out dates, and 107 (1.2%) have missing or invalid date fields.
“Near max-out” is defined as release within 12 months of maximum release date. “Meaningful release” is defined as release more than 12 months before maximum release date.
Time to max-out was calculated as the difference between current date (January 13, 2026) and the recorded maximum release date. This represents current status, not release date—the actual release date field is not publicly available and GDC refused to provide it via Open Records request.
Lifer conviction era was estimated using birth year as a proxy. This method has limitations but provides reasonable approximation given GDC’s refusal to release actual conviction dates.
Drug trafficking category includes all offenses containing “TRAF” in the offense description. Property crimes include theft, burglary, shoplifting, entering vehicle, and forgery offenses. Simple possession includes offenses containing “POSS” but excluding “POSS W INT” (possession with intent to distribute).
Data Files
The following data files are available for independent verification:
- Parolees Near Max-Out: CSV file containing all non-lifer parolees within 12 months of max-out
- Parolees Past Max-Out: CSV file containing 335 individuals supervised beyond their max-out date
- Lifer Parolees: CSV file containing all 1,452 lifers currently on parole
- Correspondence with the GDC and Parole board
Contact GPS at media@gps.press for access to underlying data.
Call to Action: What You Can Do
Awareness without action changes nothing. Here are the most effective ways you can help push for accountability and real reform:
Contact Your Representatives
Your state legislators control the Parole Board’s budget, oversight, and the laws that govern its operation. Demand accountability and transparency.
- Find your Georgia legislators: https://openstates.org/findyourlegislator
- Governor Brian Kemp: (404) 656-1776
- Georgia Parole Board: (404) 656-4661
Support SB 25
Senate Bill 25 would require the Parole Board to conduct video hearings, provide written explanations for denials, and increase transparency. It died in committee in 2025 but will be reconsidered in the 2026 session. 7">https://gps.press/senate-bill-25-a-way-out-for-many/))
Demand Media Coverage
Journalists need to know these stories matter. Contact newsrooms at the Atlanta Journal-Constitution, local TV stations, and national outlets covering criminal justice. More coverage means more pressure for reform.
Use Impact Justice AI
Our free tool at https://impactjustice.ai helps you instantly draft and send personalized emails to lawmakers, journalists, and agencies. No expertise required—just your voice and your concern.

Amplify on Social Media
Share this article and call out the people in power.
Tag: @GovKemp, @GDC_Georgia, your local representatives
Use hashtags such as #GAPrisons, #PrisonReform, #GeorgiaPrisonerSpeak
Public pressure works—especially when it’s loud.
File Public Records Requests
Georgia’s Open Records Act gives every citizen the right to access government documents. Request incident reports, death records, staffing data, medical logs, and financial and contract documents. For Parole Board requests, cite O.C.G.A. § 42-9-53(b)—the statute explicitly requires release of statistical data. https://gdc.georgia.gov/contact-us/open-records-request
Transparency reveals truth.
Attend Public Meetings
The Georgia Board of Corrections holds public meetings. Legislative committees review corrections issues during session. Your presence is noticed.
Contact the Department of Justice
For civil rights violations in Georgia prisons, file a complaint with the DOJ Civil Rights Division:
https://civilrights.justice.gov
Federal oversight has forced abusive systems to change before.
Support Organizations Doing This Work
Donate to or volunteer with Georgia-based prison reform groups fighting for change on the ground.
Vote
Research candidates’ positions on criminal justice. Primary elections often determine outcomes in Georgia. Your vote shapes who controls these systems.
Contact GPS
Georgia Prisoners’ Speak exists because incarcerated people and their families deserve to be heard. If you have information about conditions inside Georgia’s prisons, contact us securely at GPS.press.
About Georgia Prisoners’ Speak (GPS)
Georgia Prisoners’ Speak (GPS) is a nonprofit investigative newsroom built in partnership with incarcerated reporters, families, advocates, and data analysts. Operating independently from the Georgia Department of Corrections, GPS documents the truth the state refuses to acknowledge: extreme violence, fatal medical neglect, gang-controlled dorms, collapsed staffing, fraudulent reporting practices, and unconstitutional conditions across Georgia’s prisons.
Through confidential reporting channels, secure communication, evidence verification, public-records requests, legislative research, and professional investigative standards, GPS provides the transparency the system lacks. Our mission is to expose abuses, protect incarcerated people, support families, and push Georgia toward meaningful reform based on human rights, evidence, and public accountability.
Every article is part of a larger fight — to end the silence, reveal the truth, and demand justice.

Further Reading
- Georgia’s Shadow Sentencing System *How unwritten parole policies add years to sentences without legislative action.*
- Truth in Sentencing Broke Parole. Georgia Is Paying the Price. *The history of Georgia’s parole collapse and its devastating consequences.*
- A Second Chance for Georgia: Fixing Parole With the Reform It Desperately Needs *The case for presumptive parole reform in Georgia.*
- $700 Million More—And Nothing to Show for It *Georgia’s corrections spending explosion examined.*
- Georgia’s $40 Billion Mistake *The true cost of truth-in-sentencing policies on Georgia taxpayers.*
Footnotes
- GDC FY2024 Cost Per Day Consolidated Summary, [↩]
- Georgia’s Shadow Sentencing System, [↩]
- Georgia State Board of Pardons and Paroles Annual Report FY 2024, [↩]
- Red & Black Publishing Co. v. Bd. of Regents, 262 Ga. 848 (1993[↩]
- Georgia’s $40 Billion Mistake, [↩]
- DOJ Investigation of Georgia Prisons October 2024, [↩]
- GPS SB25 Coverage, [↩]

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