Demographics & Context
Georgia’s Convict Leasing Program: Historical Origins and Modern Prison Labor (1866–Present)
Georgia's continuous system of forced prison labor spans nearly 160 years, tracing an unbroken line from chattel slavery through convict leasing, chain gangs, and into the present day. Beginning just one year after the 13th Amendment's ratification in 1866, Georgia systematized the exploitation of incarcerated people—overwhelmingly Black—through legislation that gave the governor authority to lease convicts to private companies, generating more revenue per capita than any other state function during the 1880s and 1890s. This historical trajectory reveals not an aberration but a deliberate mechanism for maintaining racialized forced labor after slavery's formal abolition.The brutality of Georgia's convict leasing system was staggering. Death rates reached 10 to 25 percent annually in various camps during the 1870s and 1880s, with Cole City mines operated by U.S. Senator Joseph E. Brown exceeding 10-15 percent mortality in some years. An 1881 legislative investigation documented convicts sleeping in their own waste, chained at night, and beaten regularly—yet Brown's political connections ensured the operation continued. Tortured using the "Georgia strap," sweat boxes, and other methods, approximately 2,500 to 4,000 convicts—90 percent Black despite comprising only 45 percent of Georgia's free population—were leased to railroad companies, coal mines, turpentine camps, and plantations. Black women experienced systematic sexual violence largely invisible in historical records. Though Georgia formally abolished convict leasing in 1908, the transition to county chain gangs merely relocated the same brutality, with the last chain gangs persisting until approximately 1945.Contemporary Georgia prison labor maintains structural continuity with these historical systems. The state operates 34 prisons housing approximately 47,000 people; Georgia Correctional Industries manages 21 manufacturing plants and over 13,000 acres of farmland, generating $64 million in annual revenue while paying workers zero to minimal wages. Approximately 80 percent of able-bodied inmates participate in unpaid work, and counties receive an estimated $100+ million annually in value from free prison labor. Georgia leads the nation in private probation companies—approximately 40 firms charging $35-$50 monthly fees—supervising 250,000+ probationers. The racial disparity persists: 60 percent of prisoners are Black in a state where 33 percent are Black, mirroring the historical 90 percent disparity. Private probation company Judicial Correction Services paid $2.4 million in a 2018 federal settlement for operating a "judicially sanctioned extortion racket," while CoreCivic faces ongoing litigation over forced labor at Stewart Detention Center where detained immigrants work for $1 per day or free.Resistance has intensified. The December 2010 work stoppage involved thousands of Georgia prisoners—among the largest strikes in U.S. history—demanding fair wages and better conditions. The 2016 national strike, coordinated by the Incarcerated Workers Organizing Committee on the Attica anniversary, included Georgia facilities. Eight states have removed the slavery exception from their constitutions since 2018, yet Georgia's proposed HR 1530 amendment faces opposition from the Georgia Department of Corrections and corrections industry, which argue that compulsory labor provides job training. Recent scholarship identifies six continuity elements linking slavery through modern incarceration: legal framework via the 13th Amendment exception, racial targeting, economic exploitation, geographic continuity (many modern Georgia prisons occupy sites used for forced labor for over 150 years), political power, and systemic resistance to reform.Georgia's historical record-keeping was deliberately poor; exact death tolls from the convict leasing era remain unknown. This deliberate obscuring of violence extends to contemporary documentation gaps regarding sexual violence against women and detailed conditions in county prison systems, which remain less regulated than state programs. Understanding the 160-year continuum from slavery through present-day unpaid prison labor and private probation systems is essential for accountability and for evaluating pending constitutional reform efforts.
Where this research is used
This page is a research collection: individual facts drawn from the sources listed further down, each traced to where it came from. A research topic brings many collections together into one overview of an issue. The facts on this page feed these 13 topics; open one to see how they fit with the rest of the evidence.
Facility Conditions & Infrastructure
Georgia's prison system is physically failing: a stock of buildings whose average age exceeds 30 years and whose design life the state's own commissioner puts at 15 to 20, run at multiples of their original design capacity, with locks that do not lock, plumbing that does not drain, mold that is not removed and housing that is not cooled. A 2024 federal findings report, a 2024 Senate study committee and a December 2024 consultant assessment all reached the same conclusion in different words — that the physical plant is an emergency. The state's answer has been a $600 million construction-and-repair program whose own timelines, the commissioner has said, will run years past the funding window.
11,131 data points
Historical Context
Georgia's prison system was not built on a theory of rehabilitation. It began in 1866 as a leasing scheme that sold state prisoners to railroads, coal mines and plantations, and it has been shaped ever since by the same three forces: the extraction of unpaid labor, a legal architecture that permits it, and a record-keeping apparatus that obscures its costs. This page traces that line from the convict lease through the chain gangs, the 1937 opening of Georgia State Prison, the federal court takeover in Guthrie v. Evans, the four-decade buildup to a peak population of 54,463, and the present order, in which the state pays most working prisoners nothing, parole releases have fallen 42 percent in five years, and the federal government found in 2024 that conditions violate the Eighth Amendment.
2,070 data points
Legal Standards & Case Law
The rules that decide whether a Georgia prison condition is unconstitutional come from a short list of Supreme Court decisions, a 2024 Eleventh Circuit ruling that raised the bar above every other circuit, and a 1996 statute that limits what a federal court can order even after a violation is proven. This page traces that framework from Estelle v. Gamble and Farmer v. Brennan through Guthrie v. Evans, Brown v. Plata and Wade v. McDade, and sets it against Georgia's own record: a federal takeover that ran from 1972 to 1999, a 2024 Department of Justice finding of Eighth Amendment violations across the system, and a docket of prisoner cases that mostly ends in summary judgment.
6,787 data points
Mortality & Deaths in Custody
Georgia has recorded more than 1,900 deaths in state prison custody since January 1, 2020, including a record 333 in 2024, and the state's own accounting has grown less informative as the deaths have risen. Georgia Prisoners' Speak's mortality registry — 1,918 deaths since 2020, 268 classified as homicides and 563 with no cause yet determined — is assembled from medical examiners, coroners, court records, news reporting and open-records productions, because the Georgia Department of Corrections stopped publishing cause of death in March 2024. The federal Department of Justice found in 2024 that the department underreports homicides, and the case record shows how people die inside: stabbed in understaffed dorms, strangled by cellmates, dead of dehydration behind a locked food flap, and dead of overdoses the state recorded as natural causes.
7,845 data points
Oversight & Accountability
Georgia operates one of the largest prison systems in the United States with no independent body empowered to inspect it, investigate it, or publish what it finds. Every accountability mechanism that exists — the Office of Professional Standards, the internal grievance process, the PREA audit cycle, the state's own ombudsman line — sits inside the Georgia Department of Corrections and answers to its Commissioner. This page documents that vacuum, the federal and judicial oversight that has episodically filled it, the data systems that keep its failures invisible, and the reform models that 19 to 20 other states and the District of Columbia have already adopted.
5,913 data points
Policy & Advocacy
Georgia's policy and advocacy landscape is defined by a paradox: a decade of bipartisan sentencing reform that measurably reduced incarceration and racial disparity, followed by a sharp reversal toward prison construction, surveillance technology, and record spending attached to no independent oversight. Legislative victories on wrongful conviction compensation, survivor justice, and out-of-time appeals sit alongside bills that died in the last minutes of session — an independent prison ombudsman, restrictive housing limits, parole transparency — and a post-conviction system the Chief Justice of Georgia calls 'a mess' that only the legislature can fix. The 2026 statewide elections and an unresolved federal investigation are the two live pressure points advocates are organizing around.
7,412 data points
Population & Demographics
Georgia's prison population has travelled from roughly 3,000 people in 1925 to a peak above 54,000, and now sits somewhere between 47,000 and 53,000 depending on which counting rule is used. That population is about 60 percent Black in a state that is about 33 percent Black, is aging faster than the national average, and holds a life-sentenced population that grew while the rest of the country's shrank. This page assembles the trend lines, the demographic splits, and the definitional disagreements that make Georgia's population numbers hard to pin down.
7,570 data points
Prison Labor & Economics
Georgia operates one of the largest uncompensated prison labor systems in the United States: roughly 80% of able-bodied incarcerated people work, and the state pays $0 for routine assignments. The savings are captured by state and county government while the costs are pushed onto the families of incarcerated people, who fund commissary purchases at markups documented between 67% and 1,150% above retail. In 2024 alone Georgia extracted $18.76 million in commissary profit from people who work for free — and then raised prices roughly 30% in November 2025.
3,864 data points
Racial Disparities
Black Georgians are roughly a third of the state's population and roughly 60 percent of its prisoners, a gap that widens at every deeper point in the system — arrest, conviction, life sentences, solitary confinement, and exoneration. This page assembles the measured disparity across 23 GPS research collections, from the Black Codes and convict leasing to 2025 prison admissions data, and flags where Georgia's own reporting stops short of what the numbers would require.
2,134 data points
Recidivism & Reentry
Georgia reports one of the lowest recidivism rates in the nation — a 25 to 27 percent three-year felony reconviction rate — but that figure counts only new felony convictions, only within three years, and only among people who survive the window. Georgia's own reconviction rate has climbed every year since 2019, reaching 30.7 percent for the 2022 release cohort even as the state spends more than a billion dollars a year on corrections, releases 12,000 to 16,000 people annually with almost no preparation, and funds vocational education at $172,000 statewide. The evidence on what works is unusually clear — education, vocational training, cognitive-behavioral programming, and transitional beds all correlate with substantially lower recidivism — and Georgia has systematized almost none of it at scale.
12,548 data points
Reform Models & Programs
Georgia's rehabilitation system exists mostly as a set of program names. The evidence for cognitive-behavioral treatment, correctional education, and structured reentry is strong and replicated — and Georgia's own 1997–2001 cognitive skills experiment produced a 17% reduction in returns to prison among people who completed the classes. What the record shows instead is a state that adopts programs, funds them at a fraction of a percent of its prison budget, and rarely publishes whether they worked.
12,570 data points
Violence & Safety
Georgia's prisons kill people at a rate the U.S. Department of Justice measured as almost triple the national average in 2019 and roughly eight times the national rate by 2024, with 142 homicides reported between 2018 and 2023 alone. A three-year federal civil rights investigation concluded in October 2024 that the State violates the Eighth Amendment by failing to protect incarcerated people from violence and sexual abuse, in a system where correctional officer vacancies near 50 percent have let gangs control housing units and weapons are recovered by the tens of thousands. This page sets out the homicide data, the federal findings, the case-level record of how the violence happens, and the accounting failures that keep the official numbers low.
8,606 data points
Women's Incarceration
Georgia holds about 3,850 women in its prisons — 7.46% of the state prison population and a sevenfold increase since 1978 — at a rate of 177 per 100,000 female residents, far above the national state-prison average of roughly 51. Five state prisons and a single 64-bed medical unit hold them, and the system is simultaneously over capacity at Emanuel and Whitworth and more than half empty at McRae, a $130 million former private prison. The documented record on health care, mental health, deaths, motherhood and domestic-violence survivorship shows a system that has added beds and contracts far faster than it has added care, and that still does not publish the data needed to measure the difference.
2,325 data points
Key Findings
The most impactful data from this research collection. Tap a card for the full finding, GPS commentary on why it matters, and its source.
The finding
In the 1870s and 1880s, annual mortality rates ranged from 10% to over 25% in some camps. An 1881 legislative investigation found that approximately 1 in 4 convicts died each year.
Why it matters · GPS commentary
Lawmakers knew the scale of the deaths by 1881, yet only minor reforms followed and leasing lasted until 1908. These rates also far exceed Georgia's modern in-custody death rate of about 0.3 to 0.5 percent.
Our reading of the finding above. It is not part of the source.
The finding
The majority of working prisoners perform institutional maintenance tasks: cooking, cleaning, laundry, groundskeeping, and facility maintenance within prisons. These workers receive no wages. Georgia is one of several states that pays incarcerated workers $0 for institutional labor.
Why it matters · GPS commentary
Unpaid work by incarcerated people keeps Georgia's prisons running day to day, carrying forward the leasing era's reliance on uncompensated labor. With Georgia law not requiring payment, the state bears no wage cost for the cooking, cleaning and upkeep that sustain its facilities.
Our reading of the finding above. It is not part of the source.
The finding
Counties and municipalities save millions of dollars annually through free prison labor. Georgia counties receive an estimated $100+ million in value annually from unpaid prison labor for road crews, maintenance, and other public works.
Why it matters · GPS commentary
Local governments, not only the state, still draw value from incarcerated people's unpaid work, as counties did with chain gangs after leasing ended in 1908. County prison labor programs also face less regulation than state programs.
Our reading of the finding above. It is not part of the source.All Data Points
142 verified data points extracted from primary sources.
Georgia began leasing state convicts to private companies in 1866 Case detail
In 1866, just one year after the ratification of the 13th Amendment, Georgia began leasing state prisoners to private companies. The state legislature authorized the governor to lease convicts to railroad companies and other private enterprises.
Georgia formalized convict leasing by legislation in 1868 Legal fact
By 1868, Georgia had formalized the convict leasing system through legislation that gave the governor full authority to contract with private parties for convict labor.
13th Amendment exception clause as legal foundation for convict labor Legal fact
The convict leasing system was rooted in the 13th Amendment's exception clause, which abolished slavery and involuntary servitude 'except as a punishment for crime whereof the party shall have been duly convicted.'
Georgia Black Codes designed to funnel Black Georgians into criminal justice system Finding
Georgia's Black Codes included vagrancy laws, contract enforcement statutes, and enticement laws that made it illegal to offer better employment terms to workers already under contract. These laws were designed to funnel Black Georgians into the criminal justice system, providing a steady supply of forced laborers.
Joseph E. Brown's dual role as U.S. Senator and convict labor profiteer Case detail
Joseph E. Brown leased convicts for his Dade Coal Company operations at Cole City in Dade County, where conditions were among the most brutal in the South. Brown served as U.S. Senator from Georgia (1880–1891) while profiting enormously from convict labor.
Bourbon Triumvirate dominated Georgia politics and convict leasing Case detail
Joseph E. Brown, Alfred H. Colquitt, and John B. Gordon dominated Georgia politics from the 1870s through the 1890s. All three were deeply invested in convict leasing. They used their political power to block reform efforts and expand the system.
Chattahoochee Brick Company used convict labor to build Atlanta Case detail
James W. English's Chattahoochee Brick Company, located along the Chattahoochee River near Atlanta, used convict labor to produce bricks that literally built the city of Atlanta. The company leased primarily Black convicts and operated a system virtually indistinguishable from slavery. The company operated from 1878 until well into the 20th century.
Cole City mine death rates exceeded 10-15% in some years Statistic
Death rates at Cole City were staggering — in some years exceeding 10-15% of the prison population. Miners worked 12-16 hour shifts in cramped, poorly ventilated shafts. Cave-ins, explosions, and respiratory diseases killed hundreds.
15%
1881 investigation found convicts sleeping in own waste, chained and beaten Case detail
An 1881 investigation found convicts sleeping in their own waste, chained at night, and beaten regularly at Cole City mines. Despite public outcry, Brown's political connections kept the operation running for decades.
Georgia convict death rates ranged from 10% to over 25% annually in 1870s-1880s Statistic
In the 1870s and 1880s, annual mortality rates ranged from 10% to over 25% in some camps. An 1881 legislative investigation found that approximately 1 in 4 convicts died each year.
25% vs. 2 Northern prison death rates (percent)
Death rate among Georgia convicts approximately 16% in 1876 Statistic
The death rate among Georgia convicts reached approximately 16% in 1876.
16%
Exact number of convict leasing deaths unknown due to deliberately poor record-keeping Data gap
Between 1870 and 1910, thousands of convicts died in Georgia's leasing system — the exact number is unknown because record-keeping was deliberately poor.
Convict population approximately 90% Black despite 45% Black general population Statistic
While Georgia's free population was approximately 45% Black in the late 19th century, the convict population was roughly 90% Black. This disparity was not the result of differential crime rates but of a criminal justice system designed to criminalize Black freedom.
90% vs. 45 percent Black general population
Black convicts preferentially assigned most dangerous work Finding
Black convicts were preferentially leased for the most dangerous and deadly work (mining, railroad construction), while white convicts were more often kept in state facilities or assigned lighter tasks. Some operations explicitly requested 'Negro convicts' in their lease agreements.
Sexual violence against female convicts was widespread and largely unreported Finding
Women were also subjected to convict leasing, though in smaller numbers. Black women convicts were leased to plantations, laundries, and domestic operations. Sexual abuse of female convicts by guards and lessees was widespread and largely unreported.
Torture methods used in Georgia convict leasing Case detail
Torture methods included: hanging by thumbs, 'watering' (forcing water into a prisoner's stomach), the 'sweat box' (confinement in a small, heated enclosure), and chaining prisoners in stress positions overnight. The 'Georgia strap' — a leather whip — was used to beat prisoners for any infraction.
Georgia formally abolished convict leasing in 1908 Legal fact
Georgia formally abolished convict leasing in 1908 under Governor Hoke Smith, becoming one of the last Southern states to do so. Abolition was driven by Progressive Era reform sentiment, lobbying of labor organizations, and growing public outrage at the system's brutality.
Chain gang system replaced convict leasing, retaining worst features Finding
When Georgia abolished convict leasing in 1908, the state transitioned to a county-based chain gang system. The chain gang system retained many of the worst features: prisoners were chained together, worked under armed guard, housed in mobile cages or stockades, subjected to whipping, and suffered high rates of disease and death.
Last Georgia chain gangs disbanded around 1945 Case detail
The chain gang system persisted in Georgia into the 1940s, with the last chain gangs being disbanded around 1945, though vestiges of the system continued for years afterward.
Georgia prison population approximately 47,000 in state facilities (2024) Statistic
Georgia operates one of the largest prison labor systems in the United States, with the GDC overseeing approximately 47,000 inmates across 34 state prisons, 8 transitional centers, and various other facilities.
47,000 incarcerated people in state facilities
GDC operates 34 state prisons and 8 transitional centers Statistic
The GDC oversees approximately 47,000 inmates across 34 state prisons, 8 transitional centers, and various other facilities.
34 state prisons vs. 8 transitional centers
Georgia pays incarcerated workers $0 for institutional labor Policy
The majority of working prisoners perform institutional maintenance tasks: cooking, cleaning, laundry, groundskeeping, and facility maintenance within prisons. These workers receive no wages. Georgia is one of several states that pays incarcerated workers $0 for institutional labor.
GCI operates approximately 21 manufacturing plants Statistic
Georgia Correctional Industries (GCI) operates approximately 21 manufacturing plants across the state, producing goods including furniture, signs and license plates, cleaning chemicals, mattresses and bedding, clothing and textiles, metal fabrication and welding products, and printing and document services.
21 manufacturing plants
GCI manages over 13,000 acres of farmland Statistic
GCI oversees extensive agricultural operations, managing over 13,000 acres of farmland. Prison farms produce vegetables, dairy products, beef, pork, and poultry — primarily for consumption within the prison system, but surplus is sold to other state agencies.
13,000 acres of farmland
GCI generated approximately $64 million in revenue in FY2023 Statistic
GCI generated approximately $64 million in revenue in FY2023. Workers in GCI operations typically receive either no pay or nominal pay (a few cents per hour to a few dollars per day, depending on the program). Georgia law does not require payment for prison labor.
$64M
PIECP allows up to 80% wage deductions from prisoner earnings Policy
Georgia participates in the federal PIECP program, which allows private companies to employ prisoners at prevailing wages. However, up to 80% of PIECP wages can be deducted for taxes, room and board, victim restitution, and family support.
Georgia counties receive estimated $100+ million annually from unpaid prison labor Statistic
Counties and municipalities save millions of dollars annually through free prison labor. Georgia counties receive an estimated $100+ million in value annually from unpaid prison labor for road crews, maintenance, and other public works.
$100M
Georgia leads nation in use of private probation companies Statistic
Georgia leads the nation in the use of private probation companies, with approximately 40 private companies supervising hundreds of thousands of probationers.
40 private probation companies
Private probation companies charge $35-$50 per month in supervision fees Statistic
Supervision is outsourced to private probation companies, which charge additional monthly supervision fees ($35-$50/month typically). Failure to pay can result in probation revocation and incarceration.
$50.00 vs. 35 dollars per month (minimum typical fee)
JCS paid $2.4 million to settle federal extortion lawsuit in 2018 Case detail
In 2018, Judicial Correction Services (JCS) paid $2.4 million to settle a federal lawsuit alleging it had operated a 'judicially sanctioned extortion racket.'
Georgia has approximately 250,000+ individuals on probation at any given time Statistic
Georgia has approximately 250,000+ individuals on probation at any given time, with a significant portion supervised by private companies charging monthly fees.
250,000 individuals on probation
Georgia has 4th highest incarceration rate in the nation Statistic
Georgia has the 4th highest incarceration rate in the nation.
4 national rank (highest incarceration rate)
Modern Georgia prison population approximately 60% Black vs. 33% Black state population Statistic
Georgia's prison population is approximately 60% Black, while the state's general population is approximately 33% Black — a disparity ratio of roughly 1.8:1 that mirrors historical patterns.
60% vs. 33 percent Black general population
Approximately 80% of able-bodied inmates participate in work programs Statistic
The GDC estimates that approximately 80% of able-bodied inmates participate in work programs of some kind. The vast majority receive no wages.
80%
Modern annual death rate in custody approximately 0.3-0.5% Statistic
Modern annual death rates in Georgia state prison custody are approximately 0.3-0.5%, compared to 10-25% in the convict leasing era.
0.5% vs. 25 percent annual mortality (convict leasing era peak)
December 2010 Georgia prisoner work stoppage — one of the largest in U.S. history Case detail
In December 2010, thousands of Georgia prisoners across multiple facilities staged a coordinated work stoppage — one of the largest prisoner strikes in U.S. history. Organized largely through contraband cell phones, prisoners demanded: fair wages for work, educational opportunities, better healthcare, nutritious food, and an end to cruel and unusual punishment. The strike was suppressed through lockdowns and transfers.
2016 national prison strike included Georgia facilities Case detail
In 2016, prisoners across multiple states, including Georgia, participated in a nationwide prison strike organized by the Incarcerated Workers Organizing Committee (IWOC) and the Free Alabama Movement. The strike, which began on September 9 (the 45th anniversary of the Attica uprising), called attention to the 13th Amendment exception and demanded an end to prison slavery.
HR 1530 'Ending Slavery in Georgia' amendment introduced in 2026 Legal fact
HR 1530, a proposed Georgia constitutional amendment introduced in 2026, would remove the slavery exception from Georgia's state constitution. The bill, sponsored by a bipartisan coalition, would amend Article I, Section I of the Georgia Constitution to prohibit slavery and involuntary servitude without exception. If passed by the legislature, it would go before Georgia voters as a referendum.
Barrientos v. CoreCivic lawsuit over forced labor at Stewart Detention Center Case detail
A class-action lawsuit filed against CoreCivic alleged that detained immigrants at the Stewart Detention Center in Lumpkin, Georgia were forced to work for $1 per day or for free, performing essential facility maintenance including cooking, cleaning, and laundry. The lawsuit invoked the Trafficking Victims Protection Act, arguing that the conditions constituted forced labor.
Eight states removed slavery exception from constitutions (2018-2024) Trend
Multiple states have passed measures removing the slavery exception from their constitutions: Colorado (2018), Nebraska (2020), Utah (2020), Alabama (2022), Tennessee (2022), Oregon (2022), Vermont (2022), and Nevada (2024).
Blackmon: estimated 100,000+ Black Americans forced into labor through criminal justice system (1865-1945) Statistic
Douglas A. Blackmon documents how between 1865 and 1945, an estimated 100,000+ Black Americans were forcibly pressed into labor through the criminal justice system across the South, with Georgia being one of the primary states.
100,000 Black Americans forced into labor (minimum estimate)
Lichtenstein: Convict leasing generated more revenue per capita than any other Georgia state function in 1880s-1890s Finding
Alex Lichtenstein found that convict leasing generated more revenue per capita for Georgia than any other state function in the 1880s and 1890s.
Mancini: Some Georgia camps reported annual mortality rates exceeding 20% Statistic
Matthew J. Mancini found that Georgia's convict death rates were consistently among the highest in the South, with some camps reporting annual mortality rates exceeding 20%.
20%
LeFlouria: Sexual violence routine for Black women in convict leasing Finding
Talitha L. LeFlouria found that Black women in Georgia's convict leasing system experienced sexual violence as a routine feature of their imprisonment, a reality that was almost completely invisible in contemporary accounts and has been largely ignored by historians.
Estimated 2,500-4,000 state convicts in leasing system (1870s-1900s) Statistic
During the convict leasing era, Georgia held approximately 2,500-4,000 state convicts, compared to approximately 47,000 in modern state facilities.
4,000 state convicts (upper estimate) vs. 2,500 state convicts (lower estimate)
Georgia leased all state convicts to three major companies in 1874 Case detail
In 1874, Georgia leased all state convicts to three major companies.
Georgia leased convicts for 20-year terms in 1883 Case detail
In 1883, Georgia leased convicts for 20-year terms to three companies.
Estimated 2,500+ state convicts in leasing system in 1900 Statistic
By 1900, an estimated 2,500+ state convicts were held in the leasing system.
2,500 state convicts (minimum)
Geographic continuity: Modern Georgia prisons on sites of former convict camps Finding
Many of Georgia's modern prisons are located on or near the sites of former convict camps and plantations. Some GDC facilities occupy land that has been used for forced labor for over 150 years.
County prison labor programs less regulated than state programs Finding
County prison labor programs are less regulated than state programs and have been the subject of numerous complaints about conditions and treatment. Georgia is unusual in maintaining a system of county prisons (separate from county jails) that house state-sentenced inmates.
Human Rights Watch: Georgia private probation disproportionately impacts poor and Black residents Finding
In 2015, Human Rights Watch published 'Profiting from Probation: America's Offender-Funded Probation Industry,' which found that Georgia's private probation system disproportionately impacted poor and Black residents. The report documented cases of individuals jailed for inability to pay fines and fees.
SCHR founded in 1976 by Stephen Bright Case detail
The Southern Center for Human Rights, an Atlanta-based organization at the forefront of challenging prison conditions and forced labor in Georgia, was founded in 1976 by Stephen Bright. SCHR has filed numerous lawsuits challenging conditions in Georgia's prisons and jails.
Georgia law does not require payment for prison labor Legal fact
Georgia law does not require payment for prison labor. Workers in GCI operations typically receive either no pay or nominal pay (a few cents per hour to a few dollars per day, depending on the program).
GDC and corrections industry oppose ending compulsory labor amendment Finding
The Georgia amendment to remove the slavery exception faces opposition from the GDC and corrections industry, which argue that prison labor programs provide valuable job training and that eliminating compulsory labor would increase incarceration costs.
1881 legislative investigation found appalling conditions but only minor reforms resulted Case detail
An 1881 investigation by the Georgia legislature found appalling conditions but resulted in only minor reforms.
1897 commission recommended abolition of convict leasing but action delayed over a decade Case detail
Governor William Y. Atkinson appointed a commission to study the convict leasing system, which recommended its abolition. However, political opposition from lessees and their allies delayed action for over a decade.
Continuity argument: Six elements linking slavery to modern prison labor Finding
Scholars identify six key elements of continuity from chattel slavery through convict leasing to modern mass incarceration: (1) Legal framework via 13th Amendment exception, (2) Racial targeting through criminal justice, (3) Economic exploitation with little/no compensation, (4) Geographic continuity of forced labor sites, (5) Political economy of beneficiaries influencing policy, (6) Persistent resistance by incarcerated people.
Georgia began convict leasing in 1866 Legal fact
In 1866, just one year after the ratification of the 13th Amendment, Georgia began leasing state prisoners to private companies. The state legislature authorized the governor to lease convicts to railroad companies and other private enterprises.
1868 Georgia legislation formalized convict leasing Legal fact
By 1868, Georgia had formalized the convict leasing system through legislation that gave the governor full authority to contract with private parties for convict labor.
Georgia Black Codes included vagrancy, contract enforcement, and enticement laws Legal fact
Georgia's Black Codes (1865–1866) included vagrancy laws, contract enforcement statutes, and enticement laws that made it illegal to offer better employment terms to workers already under contract. These laws were designed to funnel Black Georgians into the criminal justice system.
Joseph E. Brown served as U.S. Senator while profiting from convict leasing Case detail
Joseph E. Brown (1821–1894), former Confederate governor, served as U.S. Senator from Georgia (1880–1891) while profiting enormously from convict labor through his Dade Coal Company operations at Cole City in Dade County.
Bourbon Triumvirate dominated Georgia politics and convict leasing Finding
Joseph E. Brown, Alfred H. Colquitt, and John B. Gordon — known as the Bourbon Triumvirate — dominated Georgia politics from the 1870s through the 1890s. All three were deeply invested in convict leasing and used their political power to block reform efforts and expand the system.
John B. Gordon leased convicts for railroad construction Case detail
John B. Gordon, member of the Bourbon Triumvirate, leased convicts for railroad construction in Georgia.
Alfred H. Colquitt oversaw convict leasing expansion as governor Case detail
Alfred H. Colquitt, as governor of Georgia (1877–1882), oversaw the expansion of the convict leasing system.
James W. English was Atlanta mayor and Chattahoochee Brick Company president Case detail
James W. English (1837–1925) was an Atlanta businessman, mayor of Atlanta (1881–1883), and president of the Chattahoochee Brick Company, which became one of the largest consumers of convict labor in Georgia.
Chattahoochee Brick Company operated from 1878 Case detail
The Chattahoochee Brick Company began using convict labor in 1878 and operated from that year until well into the 20th century, located along the Chattahoochee River near Atlanta.
Chattahoochee Brick Company bricks built Atlanta Finding
The Chattahoochee Brick Company used hundreds of convicts to produce millions of bricks that built much of Atlanta's infrastructure. Convict-made bricks literally built the city of Atlanta.
Recent archaeological investigations at Chattahoochee Brick Company site Finding
Recent archaeological investigations at the Chattahoochee Brick Company site have uncovered evidence of the brutal conditions endured by convict laborers.
John T. Brown served as Principal Keeper of the Penitentiary Case detail
John T. Brown served as Principal Keeper of the Penitentiary during key years of the convict leasing system, responsible for managing convict leases and supposedly overseeing conditions, though oversight was virtually nonexistent.
Cole City miners worked 12–16 hour shifts in dangerous conditions Finding
At the Dade Coal Company's Cole City mines in Dade County, prisoners worked 12–16 hour shifts in cramped, poorly ventilated shafts underground with minimal safety equipment. Cave-ins, explosions, and respiratory diseases killed hundreds.
Cole City death rates exceeded 10–15% in some years Statistic
Death rates at the Dade Coal Company's Cole City mines in Dade County were staggering — in some years exceeding 10–15% of the prison population.
10-15
1881 investigation found convicts sleeping in waste and chained at night Finding
An 1881 investigation of the Cole City mines found convicts sleeping in their own waste, chained at night, and beaten regularly. Despite public outcry, Joseph E. Brown's political connections kept the operation running.
Georgia & Alabama and Macon & Brunswick railroads used convict labor Case detail
Convicts were leased extensively to railroad companies building lines across Georgia, including the Georgia & Alabama Railroad and the Macon & Brunswick Railroad, among numerous others.
Railroad convict labor camps were mobile, making oversight even harder Finding
Railroad construction camps using convict labor were mobile and temporary, making oversight even more difficult than at fixed locations. Death rates on railroad construction gangs were extremely high.
Turpentine camps in south Georgia were isolated and brutal Finding
In south Georgia, convicts were leased to turpentine operations in the vast pine forests. Workers collected pine resin in extreme heat, exposed to snakes, insects, and disease. The isolation of turpentine camps made them particularly prone to abuse with virtually no outside oversight.
Convicts leased back to plantations in system functionally identical to slavery Finding
Many convicts were leased back to plantations, creating a system that was functionally identical to slavery. Convicts planted, cultivated, and harvested cotton, corn, and other crops under armed guard. The Smithsonian and Penitentiary camps in Bibb County and surrounding areas used convict labor extensively in agriculture.
1881 legislative investigation found 1 in 4 convicts died annually Statistic
An 1881 legislative investigation found that approximately 1 in 4 convicts died each year in Georgia's convict leasing system.
25% vs. 1-2 percent annual mortality in harshest Northern prisons
Exact death toll unknown due to deliberately poor record-keeping Data gap
Between 1870 and 1910, thousands of convicts died in Georgia's leasing system — the exact number is unknown because record-keeping was deliberately poor.
Georgia strap used as standard disciplinary tool Finding
The 'Georgia strap' — a leather whip — was the standard form of discipline used to beat prisoners for any infraction, including failure to meet work quotas. Guards had virtually unlimited authority to punish convicts.
Torture methods in convict leasing included hanging by thumbs, watering, sweat box Finding
Torture methods used in Georgia's convict leasing system included: hanging by thumbs, 'watering' (forcing water into a prisoner's stomach), the 'sweat box' (confinement in a small, heated enclosure), and chaining prisoners in stress positions overnight.
Diseases rampant in convict camps included TB, pneumonia, dysentery, malaria, scurvy Finding
Tuberculosis, pneumonia, dysentery, malaria, and scurvy were rampant in convict camps. Medical care was essentially nonexistent. Sick prisoners were often forced to continue working until they collapsed. Many deaths were recorded simply as 'exhaustion' or 'unknown.'
Starvation-level rations of cornbread and fatback Finding
Prisoners in convict leasing camps received starvation-level rations, typically consisting of cornbread and fatback (salt pork) with minimal nutritional value. Lessees had a financial incentive to spend as little as possible on feeding prisoners.
Georgia convict population approximately 90% Black vs. 45% Black general population Statistic
While Georgia's free population was approximately 45% Black in the late 19th century, the convict population was roughly 90% Black. This disparity was not the result of differential crime rates but of a criminal justice system designed to criminalize Black freedom.
90% vs. 45 percent Black general population in late 19th century Georgia
Black convicts assigned most dangerous work; white convicts given lighter tasks Finding
Black convicts were preferentially leased for the most dangerous and deadly work (mining, railroad construction), while white convicts were more often kept in state facilities or assigned lighter tasks. Some operations explicitly requested 'Negro convicts' in their lease agreements.
Women subjected to convict leasing including sexual abuse Finding
Women were also subjected to convict leasing, though in smaller numbers. Black women convicts were leased to plantations, laundries, and domestic operations. Sexual abuse of female convicts by guards and lessees was widespread and largely unreported.
Knights of Labor advocated for abolition of convict leasing Finding
The Knights of Labor and other labor organizations advocated for abolition of the convict leasing system, partly on humanitarian grounds but also because convict labor undercut free labor wages.
1881 legislative investigation found appalling conditions but only minor reforms Finding
An 1881 investigation by the Georgia legislature found appalling conditions in convict leasing camps but resulted in only minor reforms.
1895 investigation led to some medical care improvements Finding
An 1895 legislative investigation of Georgia's convict leasing system led to some improvements in medical care but did not end the system.
Rebecca Latimer Felton campaigned against convict leasing with contradictory motives Case detail
Rebecca Latimer Felton, Georgia's most prominent female activist of the era, campaigned against convict leasing in the 1880s and 1890s, but her opposition was partly rooted in her belief that the system was too lenient on Black prisoners. She held deeply racist views alongside her reform advocacy.
Governor Atkinson's 1897 commission recommended abolition of convict leasing Finding
Governor William Y. Atkinson appointed a commission in 1897 to study the convict leasing system, which recommended its abolition. However, political opposition from lessees and their allies delayed action for over a decade.
Georgia abolished convict leasing in 1908 under Governor Hoke Smith Legal fact
Georgia formally abolished convict leasing in 1908 under Governor Hoke Smith, becoming one of the last Southern states to do so. Abolition was driven by Progressive Era reform, labor organization lobbying against competition from convict labor, and public outrage at brutality.
1874 Georgia leased all state convicts to three major companies Legal fact
In 1874, Georgia leased all state convicts to three major companies.
1876 Georgia convict death rate approximately 16% Statistic
In 1876, the death rate among Georgia convicts reached approximately 16%.
16%
1883 Georgia leased convicts for 20-year terms to three companies Legal fact
In 1883, Georgia leased convicts for 20-year terms to three companies.
Estimated 2,500+ state convicts in leasing system in 1900 Statistic
In 1900, an estimated 2,500+ state convicts were in Georgia's convict leasing system.
2,500 state convicts (minimum)
Chain gang system replaced convict leasing in 1908 Policy
When Georgia abolished convict leasing in 1908, the state transitioned to a county-based chain gang system. Rather than leasing convicts to private companies, counties used convict labor for road construction, bridge building, and other public works.
Chain gang prisoners housed in mobile cages or stockades Finding
In Georgia's chain gang system (1908–1940s), prisoners were chained together, worked under armed guard, housed in mobile cages or stockades, subjected to whipping and other physical punishment, and suffered high rates of disease and death.
John L. Spivak published 'Georgia Nigger' in 1932 Case detail
Investigative journalist John L. Spivak published 'Georgia Nigger' in 1932, documenting the brutal conditions of Georgia's chain gangs with photographs that shocked the nation. It was one of the first exposés to bring photographic evidence of chain gang brutality to a national audience.
Robert Elliott Burns' 1932 memoir exposed Georgia chain gangs Case detail
Robert Elliott Burns, a white World War I veteran sentenced to a Georgia chain gang for a minor robbery, published 'I Am a Fugitive from a Georgia Chain Gang!' in 1932 after escaping twice. His account of beatings, torture, starvation, and dehumanizing conditions was adapted into a major Hollywood film starring Paul Muni.
Last Georgia chain gangs disbanded around 1945 Finding
Georgia's chain gang system persisted into the 1940s, with the last chain gangs being disbanded around 1945, though vestiges of the system continued for years afterward.
GDC oversees 34 state prisons and 8 transitional centers Statistic
The Georgia Department of Corrections (GDC) oversees approximately 47,000 inmates across 34 state prisons, 8 transitional centers, and various other facilities.
34 state prisons vs. 8 transitional centers
Georgia pays $0 for institutional maintenance labor Policy
The majority of working prisoners in Georgia perform institutional maintenance tasks (cooking, cleaning, laundry, groundskeeping, facility maintenance) and receive no wages. Georgia is one of several states that pays incarcerated workers $0 for institutional labor.
GCI operates approximately 21 manufacturing plants Statistic
Georgia Correctional Industries (GCI), a division of the GDC, operates approximately 21 manufacturing plants across the state, producing furniture, signs, license plates, cleaning chemicals, mattresses, clothing, textiles, metal fabrication products, and printing services.
21 manufacturing plants (approximate)
GCI manages over 13,000 acres of farmland Statistic
GCI oversees extensive agricultural operations, managing over 13,000 acres of farmland. Prison farms produce vegetables, dairy products, beef, pork, and poultry — primarily for consumption within the prison system, but surplus is sold to other state agencies.
13,000 acres of farmland
GCI workers receive no pay or nominal pay Policy
Workers in GCI operations typically receive either no pay or nominal pay (a few cents per hour to a few dollars per day, depending on the program). Georgia law does not require payment for prison labor.
PIECP allows up to 80% wage deductions Policy
Georgia participates in the federal Prison Industry Enhancement Certification Program (PIECP), which allows private companies to employ prisoners at prevailing wages. However, up to 80% of PIECP wages can be deducted for taxes, room and board, victim restitution, and family support.
Community work details provide free labor to local governments Policy
GDC operates community work details where prisoners perform labor for local governments and nonprofit organizations, including litter cleanup, grounds maintenance at public buildings, cemetery maintenance, and disaster cleanup. These workers receive no compensation.
Georgia maintains separate county prison system Policy
Georgia is unusual in maintaining a system of county prisons (separate from county jails) that house state-sentenced inmates. These county facilities heavily utilize prison labor for road maintenance, public building maintenance, park upkeep, agricultural work, and disaster response.
Georgia leads nation in private probation with approximately 40 companies Statistic
Georgia leads the nation in the use of private probation companies, with approximately 40 private companies supervising hundreds of thousands of probationers.
40 private probation companies (approximate)
Private probation companies charge $35–$50 per month in supervision fees Statistic
Private probation companies in Georgia charge additional monthly supervision fees of typically $35–$50/month. Failure to pay can result in probation revocation and incarceration.
35-50
2015 Human Rights Watch report on Georgia's private probation Finding
In 2015, Human Rights Watch published 'Profiting from Probation: America's Offender-Funded Probation Industry,' which found that Georgia's private probation system disproportionately impacted poor and Black residents. The report documented cases of individuals jailed for inability to pay fines and fees.
JCS paid $2.4 million to settle federal extortion lawsuit in 2018 Case detail
In 2018, Judicial Correction Services (JCS), a private probation company operating in Georgia, paid $2.4 million to settle a federal lawsuit alleging it had operated a 'judicially sanctioned extortion racket.' JCS was subsequently shut down.
Sentinel Offender Services operated in Georgia private probation Case detail
Sentinel Offender Services was among the key private probation companies operating in Georgia.
HR 1530 proposed 2026 amendment to remove Georgia's slavery exception Finding
HR 1530, the 'Ending Slavery in Georgia' amendment (introduced 2026), is a proposed Georgia constitutional amendment that would remove the slavery exception from Georgia's state constitution, amending Article I, Section I to prohibit slavery and involuntary servitude without exception. If passed by the legislature, it would go before Georgia voters as a referendum.
Colorado was first state to remove slavery exception (2018) Legal fact
In 2018, Colorado voters approved Amendment A removing the slavery exception from their state constitution.
Nebraska and Utah removed slavery exceptions in 2020 Legal fact
In 2020, voters in both Nebraska and Utah approved removing the slavery exception from their state constitutions. Utah's measure was Amendment C.
Four states removed slavery exceptions in 2022 Legal fact
In 2022, voters in Alabama, Tennessee (Amendment 3), Oregon (Measure 112), and Vermont (Proposal 2) all approved removing the slavery exception from their state constitutions.
Nevada removed slavery exception in 2024 Legal fact
In 2024, Nevada voters approved Question 4, removing the slavery exception from their state constitution.
GDC and corrections industry oppose Georgia slavery exception amendment Finding
The proposed Georgia constitutional amendment to remove the slavery exception faces opposition from the GDC and corrections industry, which argue that prison labor programs provide valuable job training and that eliminating compulsory labor would increase incarceration costs.
Barrientos v. CoreCivic (2023) alleged forced labor at Stewart Detention Center Case detail
Barrientos v. CoreCivic (2023) was a class-action lawsuit filed against CoreCivic alleging that detained immigrants at the Stewart Detention Center in Lumpkin, Georgia were forced to work for $1 per day or for free, performing essential facility maintenance including cooking, cleaning, and laundry. The lawsuit invoked the Trafficking Victims Protection Act.
December 2010 Georgia prisoner strike organized via contraband cell phones Case detail
In December 2010, thousands of Georgia prisoners across multiple facilities staged a coordinated work stoppage — one of the largest prisoner strikes in U.S. history. Organized largely through contraband cell phones, prisoners demanded fair wages, educational opportunities, better healthcare, nutritious food, and an end to cruel and unusual punishment.
2016 national prison strike included Georgia on Attica anniversary Case detail
In 2016, prisoners across multiple states including Georgia participated in a nationwide prison strike organized by the Incarcerated Workers Organizing Committee (IWOC) and the Free Alabama Movement. The strike began on September 9, the 45th anniversary of the Attica uprising, and called attention to the 13th Amendment exception.
Georgia has 4th highest incarceration rate in the nation Statistic
Georgia has the 4th highest incarceration rate in the nation as of 2024.
4 rank (highest incarceration rate in U.S.)
Georgia racial disparity ratio in incarceration is approximately 1.8:1 Statistic
Georgia's prison population is approximately 60% Black while the state's general population is approximately 33% Black, producing a disparity ratio of roughly 1.8:1 that mirrors historical patterns.
1.8 disparity ratio (Black prison % to Black population %)
80% of able-bodied Georgia inmates participate in work programs Statistic
The GDC estimates that approximately 80% of able-bodied inmates participate in work programs of some kind, with the vast majority receiving no wages.
80%
Counties receive estimated $100+ million annually in value from prison labor Statistic
Georgia counties receive an estimated $100+ million in value annually from unpaid prison labor for road crews, maintenance, and other public works.
$100M
Georgia has 250,000+ people on probation at any given time Statistic
Georgia has approximately 250,000+ individuals on probation at any given time, with a significant portion supervised by private companies charging monthly fees.
250,000 people on probation (minimum)
Historical incarcerated population was 2,500–4,000 state convicts Statistic
During the convict leasing era (1870s–1900s), Georgia's incarcerated state convict population ranged from approximately 2,500 to 4,000.
2500-4000 state convicts vs. 47,000 modern state prison population (2024)
Modern death rate in custody is 0.3–0.5% vs. historical 10–25% Statistic
The modern annual death rate in Georgia prison custody is approximately 0.3–0.5%, compared to 10–25% during the convict leasing era (camp-dependent).
0.3-0.5 vs. 10-25 percent annual death rate (convict leasing era)
Blackmon estimated 100,000+ Black Americans pressed into forced labor 1865–1945 Statistic
Douglas A. Blackmon documents that between 1865 and 1945, an estimated 100,000+ Black Americans were forcibly pressed into labor through the criminal justice system across the South, with Georgia being one of the primary states.
100,000 Black Americans forcibly pressed into labor (minimum, across South)
Lichtenstein: convict leasing generated more per capita revenue than any other Georgia function Finding
Alex Lichtenstein found that convict leasing generated more revenue per capita for Georgia than any other state function in the 1880s and 1890s.
Mancini: Georgia convict camps had annual mortality exceeding 20% Statistic
Matthew J. Mancini found that Georgia's convict death rates were consistently among the highest in the South, with some camps reporting annual mortality rates exceeding 20%.
20%
LeFlouria: sexual violence was routine for Black women in convict leasing Finding
Talitha L. LeFlouria found that Black women in Georgia's convict leasing system experienced sexual violence as a routine feature of their imprisonment, a reality that was almost completely invisible in contemporary accounts and has been largely ignored by historians. Women also faced forced reproduction.
Modern Georgia prisons located on or near former convict camps and plantations Finding
Many of Georgia's modern prisons are located on or near the sites of former convict camps and plantations. Some GDC facilities occupy land that has been used for forced labor for over 150 years.
SCHR founded in 1976 by Stephen Bright Case detail
The Southern Center for Human Rights (SCHR), an Atlanta-based organization challenging prison conditions and forced labor in Georgia, was founded in 1976 by Stephen Bright.
ACLU of Georgia published 2014 report on private probation abuses Finding
In 2014, the ACLU of Georgia published a report on Georgia's private probation industry documenting widespread abuses.
Georgia Archives house convict records spanning 1817–1937 Methodology note
The Georgia Archives in Morrow, GA houses the records of the Georgia Principal Keeper of the Penitentiary, including convict registers, death records, lease agreements, and inspection reports. The collection spans 1817–1937 and is the primary archival source for studying Georgia's convict leasing system.
Slavery by Another Name won 2009 Pulitzer Prize and adapted to PBS documentary in 2012 Case detail
Douglas A. Blackmon's 'Slavery by Another Name' won the 2009 Pulitzer Prize for General Nonfiction and was adapted into a PBS documentary in 2012.
Convict leasing historical labor participation was approximately 100% Statistic
During the convict leasing era, approximately 100% of able-bodied convicts participated in forced labor, compared to approximately 80% in modern Georgia prisons.
100% vs. 80 percent of able-bodied inmates in modern work programs
IWOC organized 2016 and 2018 national prison strikes Case detail
The Incarcerated Workers Organizing Committee (IWOC), a committee of the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW), was instrumental in organizing the 2016 and 2018 national prison strikes, which included Georgia facilities.
2018 Georgia PIECP and prison industry programs expanded Policy
In 2018, Georgia's PIECP and prison industry programs were expanded.
Six elements of continuity from slavery to modern prison labor Finding
Scholars identify six elements of continuity from chattel slavery through convict leasing to modern mass incarceration: (1) legal framework via 13th Amendment exception, (2) racial targeting through criminal justice system, (3) economic exploitation with no/minimal compensation, (4) geographic continuity of prison sites on former plantations, (5) political economy of those profiting from prison labor influencing policy, (6) consistent resistance by incarcerated people.
Sources
12 cited sources backing this research.
Secondary
Academic
Burial for a King: Martin Luther King Jr.'s Funeral and the Week that Transformed Atlanta and Rearranged a Race
Primary
Academic
Chained in Silence: Black Women and Convict Labor in the New South
Primary
Journalism
Georgia Nigger
Primary
Academic
I Am a Fugitive from a Georgia Chain Gang!
Primary
Academic
No Mercy Here: Gender, Punishment, and the Making of Jim Crow Modernity
Primary
Academic
Northward Migration and the Rise of Racial Disparity in American Incarceration, 1880-1950
Primary
Academic
One Dies, Get Another: Convict Leasing in the American South, 1866–1928
Primary
Official report
Profiting from Probation: America's 'Offender-Funded' Probation Industry
Primary
Academic
Slavery by Another Name: The Re-Enslavement of Black Americans from the Civil War to World War II
Primary
Academic
The Effects of Convict Leasing in Georgia
Primary
Academic
Twice the Work of Free Labor: The Political Economy of Convict Labor in the New South
Primary
Academic
Worse Than Slavery: Parchman Farm and the Ordeal of Jim Crow Justice
Key Entities
Organizations, people, facilities, and other named entities referenced in this research.
13th Amendment
[legislation]
ACLU of Georgia
[organization]
Alex Lichtenstein
[person]
Alfred H. Colquitt
[person]
Barrientos v. CoreCivic
[case]
Bourbon Triumvirate
[organization]
Chattahoochee Brick Company
[organization]
Chattahoochee Brick Company
[operation]
Christopher Muller
[person]
Congressional Black Caucus Diversity Coalition
[organization]
CoreCivic
[organization]
Dade Coal Company
[organization]
Dade Coal Company
[operation]
David M. Oshinsky
[person]
December 2010 Georgia Prison Work Stoppage
[operation]
Douglas A. Blackmon
[person]
Free Alabama Movement
[organization]
Georgia Archives
[organization]
Georgia Correctional Industries
[organization]
Georgia Department of Corrections
[organization]
Georgia Prisoners' Speak
[organization]
Hargrett Rare Book and Manuscript Library
[organization]
Hoke Smith
[person]
HR 1530
[legislation]
HR 1530 - Ending Slavery in Georgia Amendment
[legislation]
Human Rights Watch
[organization]
Incarcerated Workers Organizing Committee
[organization]
James W. English
[person]
John B. Gordon
[person]
John L. Spivak
[person]
John T. Brown
[person]
Joseph E. Brown
[person]
Judicial Correction Services
[organization]
Kenan Research Center
[organization]
Knights of Labor
[organization]
Macon & Brunswick Railroad
[organization]
Matthew J. Mancini
[person]
Prison Industry Enhancement Certification Program
[program]
Rebecca Latimer Felton
[person]
Rebecca M. Burns
[person]
Robert Elliott Burns
[person]
Sarah Haley
[person]
Sentinel Offender Services
[organization]
Southern Center for Human Rights
[organization]
Stephen Bright
[person]
Stewart Detention Center
[facility]
Talitha L. LeFlouria
[person]
William Y. Atkinson
[person]
Worth Rises
[organization]