Women's Incarceration

A population that grew sevenfold, and changed shape

Georgia's most recent statistical profile from the Georgia Department of Corrections (April 2025) counts 3,850 women in state custody — 7.46% of a system total of 52,020 (Women's Incarceration in Georgia: Population, Conditions, Healthcare, and Reform). That figure is the endpoint of a half-century of growth. In 1978 Georgia's prisons held 497 women; by 2017 the count was 3,779, a more than sevenfold increase (Georgia Incarceration Trends; Women's Incarceration in Georgia).

The recent curve has been steep. Between 2022 and 2025 the female population rose roughly 27%, from 3,014 to 3,850 — a surge the brief costing out that growth estimates at about $21 million a year in additional incarceration spending at $25,006 per person annually (Women's Incarceration in Georgia). The prison number is also only part of the picture: women in Georgia's *jails* grew more than 23-fold, from 227 in 1970 to 5,228 in 2015, and 82,206 women are on probation or parole in the state (Georgia Incarceration Trends; Women's Incarceration in Georgia).

Georgia's women's incarceration rate of 177 per 100,000 female residents is the number that separates the state from the rest of the developed world; the brief notes it is higher than nearly every independent nation on Earth and dwarfs the national state-prison-only average of approximately 51 per 100,000 (Women's Incarceration in Georgia).

## Who is inside

The population's demographics run against the pattern of the men's system. White women are the majority at 56.55% (2,177 women), Black women are 41.53% — overrepresented against roughly 32% of Georgia's female population — and Hispanic women are starkly underrepresented at 1.53% against roughly 10% of the state's female population (Women's Incarceration in Georgia). In the male population, Black men are 61.23% of people incarcerated.

That composition is a reversal of the documented historical record. A 1973 review found that more than 65% of the female inmate population was Black (Georgia Prisons, NCJ 69997, 1976); by January 1981 the general women's prison population was 58% nonwhite (Georgia Women Prison Inmates and Their Families, NCJ 79468, 1981). The 2025 profile shows the inverse. Category definitions and reporting practices have changed across five decades, so the series should not be read as a single continuous trend — but the direction of change is documented at both ends.

The mean age of incarcerated women is 39.41 years (median 38), with the largest cohort — 1,376 women, 35.77% — between 30 and 39; the most frequent single age is 34. Nearly 5% are over 60 and 31 women are 70 or older (Women's Incarceration in Georgia). Of the 2,706 women who reported on dependents, 1,254 (46.34%) said they have at least one; another 1,144 women (29.7% of the total) did not report at all (Women's Incarceration in Georgia).

## Three different counts

The page cannot give one clean number, and it should say so. Three figures circulate: 3,850 (the April 2025 system profile), 3,673 (a February 2026 count limited to the five state prisons), and an extrapolated ~3,940 (March 2026, applying the 7.46% share to a 52,855 total). They measure different things on different dates — the five-prison figure excludes transitional centers, the Helms medical facility, RSAT programs and probation detention, where roughly 270+ women are held (Women's Incarceration in Georgia). GPS's own facilities directory is more current than the inmate database it used for the initial brief, and the brief's population and capacity figures are superseded as a result (Women's Incarceration in Georgia).

Five prisons, one medical unit, and a maldistribution problem

Women are spread across at least 11 facilities in the Georgia system, but five state prisons do most of the holding (Women's Incarceration in Georgia). As of February 2026 those five had a combined capacity of 5,831 beds and a combined population of 3,673 — an overall utilization rate of 63.0% (Women's Incarceration in Georgia). That headline number conceals the actual problem: two of the five are over capacity while the largest sits more than half empty, a pattern the underlying analysis describes as a maldistribution of the women's prison population (Women's Incarceration in Georgia).

• Lee Arrendale State Prison (Alto, Habersham County): 1,476 beds, 433 people, being downsized toward 112-bed transitional center status. It still houses women's death row, diagnostic intake, the Children's Center and an all-female fire department (Women's Incarceration in Georgia).
• Emanuel Women's Facility (Swainsboro): 415 beds, 416 people — 100.2% of capacity — housing mental health Levels II/III and a Braille transcription program.
• Whitworth Women's Facility (Hartwell): 442 beds, 444 people — 100.5% of capacity — medium security with mental health Level II.
• Pulaski State Prison (Hawkinsville): a corrected 1,223 beds, 1,185 people, 96.9% — the second-largest women's prison, and the site of both the 2022 gang extortion crisis and the Dr. Nazaire medical scandal.
• McRae Women's Facility (McRae-Helena, Telfair County): 2,275 beds, 1,195 people — 52.5% of capacity, the most underutilized women's facility in the system.

Beyond the five, the Helms Facility in Atlanta is classified in GDC's own system as a 'Medical Facility,' not a state prison, with a corrected capacity of 64 beds and a current population of 17; it houses all pregnant women and all terminally ill women in state custody (Women's Incarceration in Georgia). Arrendale Transitional Center holds 108 people against a corrected 117 beds (Women's Incarceration in Georgia). Statewide, only about 346 of 2,761 transitional center beds — 12.5% — serve women, at Metro and Arrendale (Recidivism & Reentry Failures in Georgia; Women's Incarceration in Georgia).

## McRae: $130 million, half full

McRae is the most expensive and least populated women's prison in Georgia. The state bought the 1,978-bed former CoreCivic facility — which had housed federal Bureau of Prisons detainees until that contract expired in November 2022 — for a gross price of $130 million under a purchase agreement dated July 25, 2022 and completed August 9, 2022 (McRae Women's Facility: the public record; Women's Incarceration in Georgia). Telfair County tax records valued the property at approximately $48 million (Women's Incarceration in Georgia). GDC re-commissioned the site for women in December 2022, and it opened in 2024–2025 at a budgeted cost of $25,657,146 to stand up (McRae Women's Facility: the public record; Women's Incarceration in Georgia).

The state's plans for McRae collided with its own budget arithmetic. The FY2026 appropriations act shows a Governor's recommendation of $998,022 for a McRae healthcare contract to add full-time physical health staff, and $917,170 for McRae administrative opening costs — both zeroed out in the conference committee columns (McRae Women's Facility: the public record). GDC Commissioner Tyrone Oliver told the Board of Corrections in November 2024 that the facility might open that December, and told state budget hearings in January 2023 that 'the ladies that are at that prison [Arrendale] right now are moving to McRae as soon as we get that facility opened up' (McRae Women's Facility: the public record). The Department of Justice's findings report records that GDC announced in 2023 it would close or repurpose Arrendale and move most of its population to McRae (McRae Women's Facility: the public record).

## The tracking blind spot

McRae is not in GPS's inmate database, which creates a documented blind spot for independent monitoring of conditions at Georgia's largest women's prison (Women's Incarceration in Georgia). Two people died there in May 2026 — see the deaths section — and the facility's GDC location page returns no capacity, construction or opening data at all (McRae Women's Facility: the public record). Georgia's newest women's prison is also its least legible one.

Health care: births, deaths and a contractor carousel

Georgia's correctional health care for women is concentrated, under-resourced and repeatedly outsourced. All pregnant women and all terminally ill women in state custody are housed at the Helms Facility, a 64-bed unit classified as a medical facility rather than a prison, currently holding 17 people (Women's Incarceration in Georgia). Approximately 50 to 100 births occur in GDC custody each year, and about 4% of women enter prison pregnant (Women's Incarceration in Georgia).

What happens after delivery is the sharpest documented failure. Within 48 hours of giving birth, mothers are returned to prison, and Georgia has no prison nursery program (Women's Incarceration in Georgia). The Georgia Dignity Act (HB 345, signed May 2019) bans shackling of pregnant prisoners and solitary confinement for pregnant and postpartum women (Women's Incarceration in Georgia). Enforcement has not matched the statute: the Southern Center for Human Rights documented five women shackled or placed in solitary within six months of giving birth at Lee Arrendale in April 2021, and GDC reported zero shackling incidents in 2022 (Women's Incarceration in Georgia).

Individual cases go further. Jessica Umberger testified that she was forced to undergo a Cesarean section against her will in 2018, and another woman begged for 13 hours to be taken to a hospital; her newborn died four days later (Women's Incarceration in Georgia). After *Dobbs*, Georgia's LIFE Act bans abortion after roughly six weeks, and incarcerated women effectively cannot access abortion at all (Women's Incarceration in Georgia). Medication-assisted treatment for opioid use disorder is limited to Vivitrol at a single facility — no methadone and no buprenorphine are available anywhere in the system (Women's Incarceration in Georgia). The commissary, meanwhile, prices menstrual products at $6.80–$12.75 a month against $2.40–$3.60 at retail — a 'menstrual tax' of $50–$120 a year, or $330–$460 across a five-year sentence (Georgia's Prison Commissary Extraction Machine).

## The Pulaski deaths

Between August 2006 and September 2015, Dr. Yvon Nazaire served as medical director at Pulaski State Prison. At least 22 people in state custody died under his care — 15 at Pulaski, 5 after release and 2 at Emanuel (Women's Incarceration in Georgia). Georgia hired him despite a New York gross negligence citation, four malpractice death claims including a $1.5 million settlement, and active probation; the state medical board granted him an unrestricted license, and he falsified his employment application (Women's Incarceration in Georgia). The state has paid more than $3 million in settlements connected to deaths under his care, including $1.5 million for Mollianne Fischer and $925,000 for Bonnie Rocheleau. A GBI criminal investigation opened in October 2015, and no public record of charges exists; the outcome requires an Open Records Act request (Women's Incarceration in Georgia).

## Who holds the contract

Augusta University's Georgia Correctional Healthcare provided prison medical care from 1997 to 2021. Wellpath took over and exited after three years, citing $32 million in excess costs. In July 2024, Centurion Health assumed a $2.4 billion, nine-year, no-bid contract (Women's Incarceration in Georgia). Georgia ranked 43rd of 49 states in health care funding per person incarcerated, at $3,610 (Women's Incarceration in Georgia). The Department of Justice found ten-month waits for psychiatrist appointments and roughly a 10% treatment rate for Hepatitis C and HIV (Women's Incarceration in Georgia). Physical plant conditions compound all of it: Pulaski scored 67 — failing — on a 2025 food inspection, with a handwashing sink's plumbing torn from the wall and sewage backing through kitchen floor drains (Women's Incarceration in Georgia).

Mental health, violence and the women who died

Eighty-one percent of women in Georgia prisons require mental health treatment (Women's Incarceration in Georgia). The system's answer is a single unit. Lee Arrendale's A Unit is the only GDC women's mental health Level III and Level IV unit, housing 70 to 80 women whose impairment precludes general-population housing — and it was slated for closure under a 2023 GDC plan (Mental Health Care and Mental Illness in the Georgia Department of Corrections).

Three women were killed there in under two years. Nationally, according to an AJC analysis of Bureau of Justice Statistics data, only nine women died by homicide in all U.S. state prisons between 2001 and 2019; Georgia's A Unit produced three of that category in 2022–2024 (Mental Health Care and Mental Illness in the Georgia Department of Corrections; Women's Incarceration in Georgia). Staffing at Arrendale stood at 62% correctional officer vacancy in December 2020 and 44% in April 2024, when two of the women were killed; systemwide, 82.7% of new officers hired between January 2021 and November 2024 quit within their first year (Women's Incarceration in Georgia). One officer, described by victims as the unit's sole staff officer, pleaded guilty in 2024 to six felony counts involving sex acts with incarcerated women there and was sentenced to 25 years (Mental Health Care and Mental Illness in the Georgia Department of Corrections).

Sexual violence by staff is a documented pattern, not an anomaly: four Arrendale staff were arrested for sexual assault in five months in 2020; an officer allegedly raped a woman so violently in 2022 that she required partial uterus removal and later pleaded guilty; a deputy warden at Pulaski and a lieutenant at Arrendale were arrested within 24 hours of each other in 2023 (Women's Incarceration in Georgia). In February 2024, GDC's tactical squad mass strip-searched all 576 women in Arrendale's B-Unit, forcing them outside in 46-degree weather (Women's Incarceration in Georgia). Commissioner Oliver said in 2022 that gang populations were 'growing, especially within our female population'; at Pulaski, Bloods members who transferred in from Arrendale seized control, and documented assaults included two women sodomized at knifepoint and a woman whose ear was partially bitten off, with extortion run through Cash App — one mother paid $10,000 to $12,000 to protect her daughter (Women's Incarceration in Georgia).

## Counting the dead

GDC stopped publishing cause-of-death data in March 2024 (Women's Incarceration in Georgia). GPS's own mortality registry — a floor, not a total, because GDC reports deaths roughly two months late — holds 1,919 deaths system-wide since 2020, coded 779 natural/medical, 563 unknown/pending, 268 homicide, 158 suicide and 59 overdose (GPS mortality registry). At the women's state prisons specifically, 12 deaths were confirmed in 2025: six at Arrendale, four at Pulaski, one at McRae and one at Whitworth, with a previously reported six at Emanuel unverified (Women's Incarceration in Georgia).

Those counted dead include:

• Angela Denise Anderson, 39, died September 11, 2022, at Arrendale State Prison; GPS's registry lists the cause as homicide. She was strangled in the A-Unit dayroom, and a woman was charged in September 2023.
• Sherry Elaine Joyce, 61, died April 27, 2024, at Arrendale State Prison; GPS's registry lists the cause as homicide. She was strangled at A Unit.
• Hallie Marie Reed, 23, died May 5, 2024, at Arrendale State Prison; GPS's registry lists the cause as homicide. She was strangled eight days after Joyce, having asked in writing for protective custody and been denied.
• Sheqweetta Vaughan, 32, died July 9, 2025, at Arrendale State Prison; GPS's registry lists the cause as unknown/pending. A postpartum mother on psychotropic medication, she was found decomposing in a segregation cell in the 90s Fahrenheit; a neighboring prisoner reported hearing her call for help more than 28 hours earlier.
• Shannon Michelle Rush, 43, died May 16, 2026, at McRae Women's Facility; GPS's registry lists the cause as unknown/pending. GDC said there were no reports of an altercation and no signs of foul play; her body was sent to the GBI Crime Lab.
• Chasity King, 26, died May 18, 2026, at McRae Women's Facility; GPS's registry lists the cause as unknown/pending. Two days separated the two McRae deaths, both under investigation by GDC's Office of Professional Standards.
• Kelly Gissendaner, 47, died September 30, 2015, at Georgia Diagnostic and Classification Prison; the GDC's own cause coding, obtained by the UCLA Law Behind Bars Data Project through an open records request, records the cause as execution — not an autopsy finding. She was the first woman executed in Georgia since 1945.

One woman sits on Georgia's death row: Tiffany Moss, sentenced in May 2019 in Gwinnett County (Women's Incarceration in Georgia). Reporting on the McRae deaths also garbled a name — a syndicated version called Chasity King 'Chasity Knight' — which is exactly the kind of error that makes independent death tracking necessary (McRae Women's Facility: the public record).

Mothers, children and the cost of distance

Georgia has never repeated the survey it commissioned in 1981. That study — 296 women at the Middle Georgia Women's Unit in Milledgeville, 196 of them mothers of children under 18 — remains the most detailed Georgia-specific account of what incarceration does to mothers and children (Georgia Women Prison Inmates and Their Families, NCJ 79468, 1981). Its findings are not dated, they are predictive.

The women reported 608 children, 557 of them living; 445 were under 18 when their mother entered prison. The geography was the central fact. Eighty-five percent of the children lived more than 50 miles from the institution, only 15% within 50 miles, and 8% at 999 miles or more — making a visit an all-day affair with at least 1.5 hours of travel each way (NCJ 79468). Visiting hours were 'very limited'; a visit with a child was capped at two hours, and a newly arrived woman typically waited four to six weeks before she was allowed any visit at all (NCJ 79468).

The consequences show up in the contact numbers. Thirty percent of the mothers never received a visit from their children; 74% did not get to visit as often as they wanted; 33% got visits at least monthly (NCJ 79468). They wrote instead — 41% weekly — and called, though a monthly call required the family to accept the charges (NCJ 79468). What they wanted was not abstract: nine in ten approved of special visiting hours for children, and 83% said yes when asked whether they would like their child to spend the night at the prison if Georgia allowed it (NCJ 79468). The stated reasons were about being a mother: to show them I still love them, to be close to them for a while, to let them see that mothers can make mistakes (NCJ 79468).

## Anxiety tracked to three variables

Regression analysis on the 1981 sample found three variables associated with maternal anxiety: whether the woman was able to plan who would keep her children, whether she expected to get them back after release, and whether transportation was a problem for family visits (NCJ 79468). The crosstabs are stark. Of mothers who could plan their children's caretaker, 76.6% had low anxiety and 3.2% high; of those who could not, 52.1% had moderate anxiety and 19.4% high. Of mothers who expected to get their children back, 87.3% had low anxiety and none scored high; of those who did not know, 37.9% scored high. Of mothers whose families could not visit because of transportation, 41.7% scored high anxiety (NCJ 79468).

Caretaking fell overwhelmingly on extended family: 83% of families had a single caretaker for the children, 37% of children were with their father, 22% with a grandparent, 16% with another relative, 3% in foster care (NCJ 79468). One in three of the mothers had been the sole support of her children before arrest (NCJ 79468).

## What has and has not changed

The state no longer publishes the data that would let anyone update this picture. Georgia-specific figures distinguishing mothers of minor children from other dependents require an Open Records Act request (Women's Incarceration in Georgia). The April 2025 profile shows 46.34% of reporting women have at least one dependent, but not how many are parents of minors (Women's Incarceration in Georgia). Nationally, almost 60% of women in state prisons are parents of minor children, most of them single mothers living with their children before arrest (Georgia Survivor Justice Act collection).

Programmatically, the direction has been backward. Motherhood Beyond Bars was banned from state prisons in 2019; by December 2025 it was operating in 11 county jails, serving 392 children and 1,056 family members (Women's Incarceration in Georgia). GDC itself states that children of female offenders are seven times more likely to become incarcerated (Women's Incarceration in Georgia). Reentry Partnership Housing explicitly does not fund housing for children or family — a structural barrier for the 46%+ of incarcerated women with dependents (Women's Incarceration in Georgia). And contact still costs: 87% of the financial burden of prison communications falls on women, disproportionately women of color, with JPay charging roughly $0.20–$0.30 per email and $3.95 per 30-minute video visit (Prison Communications & Financial Exploitation; Women's Incarceration in Georgia).

Survivors of abuse behind the wall

Between 74% and 95% of incarcerated women have experienced domestic or sexual violence in their lifetime, and approximately 70% report prior intimate partner violence (Georgia Survivor Justice Act collection). A study of women entering Georgia prisons found 78% had experienced partner physical abuse, 60% had been threatened with death, and 81% reported five or more traumatic events (Women's Incarceration in Georgia). Nationally, 30% of women serving homicide sentences were protecting themselves from domestic violence (Women's Incarceration in Georgia).

Georgia's sentencing reflects that history rather than accounting for it. 431 women were serving life sentences in February 2026 — 244 of them Black women (56.61%), 175 white (40.6%), 10 Hispanic and 2 Asian (Women's Incarceration in Georgia). Black women are 41.53% of the female prison population but 56.61% of female lifers, a disparity that deepens at the most severe end of the sentencing spectrum; 80 women were serving life without parole as of August 2025 (Women's Incarceration in Georgia). More than half of women serving life in Georgia are victims of abuse (Georgia Survivor Justice Act collection). GCADV documented roughly 200 domestic violence survivors in Georgia prisons between 2016 and 2025, 58% of them serving life or virtual life sentences (Women's Incarceration in Georgia).

A competing count is worth flagging. A 2024 census of life sentencing reported 487 women serving life in Georgia — 385 life with parole, 67 life without parole, and 35 virtual life sentences (A Matter of Life, 2024). The 431 figure is dated February 2026 and the 487 figure January 2024; the two use different categories and neither should be treated as a correction of the other. What both establish is scale, and that Georgia holds a population of women sentenced to die in prison.

## The Survivor Justice Act

The Survivor Justice Act (HB 582), sponsored by Rep. Stan Gunter and signed by Governor Kemp on May 12, 2025, passed with only three dissenting votes and took effect July 1, 2025 (Georgia Survivor Justice Act collection). It modernizes self-defense and coercion defenses so survivors can present the full context of their abuse rather than proving fear of imminent harm at the precise moment; it removes the murder exception; for offenses punishable by life or death it reduces sentences to 10–30 years with parole eligibility; and under O.C.G.A. § 17-10-1(g)(2) it creates a retroactive resentencing pathway for offenses committed before July 1, 2025 (Georgia Survivor Justice Act collection). Advocates estimate more than 100 women currently in Georgia prisons could receive shorter sentences under it, and hundreds of incarcerated Georgians overall (Georgia Survivor Justice Act collection).

On January 5, 2026, Nicole Boynton became the first person released under the Act. She was 18 in 1999 when she stabbed her boyfriend during a physical altercation in Cobb County, after years of physical and sexual abuse; she was convicted of felony murder in 2002, when Georgia law imposed an automatic life sentence with no judicial discretion (Georgia Survivor Justice Act collection). A Cobb County judge vacated the life sentence and resentenced her to time served after 23 years, with the district attorney's consent, and she was released with no state supervision (Georgia Survivor Justice Act collection). Her own account of the intervening years is part of the record: 'Now that I think about it, I've been abused more in prison than what actually came from my partner' (Georgia Survivor Justice Act collection).

One date in the record is wrong and should be corrected: a summary in the Women's Incarceration collection states Boynton was released in January 2025 after 23 years, which is impossible — the Act was signed in May 2025. The Survivor Justice Act collection's January 5, 2026 date is the one consistent with the statute.

Access remains the constraint. GCADV and the Georgia Justice Project announced they would begin accepting resentencing clients in early 2026; the Battered Women's Justice Project's National Defense Center for Criminalized Survivors does not provide direct representation; and Georgia is listed among states with acute need for pro bono attorneys for survivors (Georgia Survivor Justice Act collection). Ellie Williams of GCADV described how the disparity operates in practice: 'It is really rare that my Black female clients are given any sort of leniency in sentencing. If they can be maxed out, they're being maxed out' (Georgia Survivor Justice Act collection).

What Georgia does not count

The most consistent finding about women's incarceration in Georgia is that the state does not measure it. The Women's Incarceration brief identifies 15 critical data gaps, each requiring an Open Records Act request: offense category breakdown by gender, average sentence lengths by gender, the outcome of the GBI investigation into Dr. Nazaire, deaths with cause of death, gender-disaggregated recidivism, PREA audit results, mental health staffing levels, the number of mothers with minor children, pregnancy outcomes, Centurion contract terms, RSAT data by gender, the status of women's health specialists, staffing vacancy rates per facility, McRae operational data, and parole grant rates by gender (Women's Incarceration in Georgia).

Some of these are self-inflicted. GDC stopped publishing cause-of-death data in March 2024 (Women's Incarceration in Georgia). Georgia's gender-disaggregated recidivism data is not published at all, even though the state's overall three-year recidivism rate of approximately 27% is routinely cited; nationally, 63% of women are rearrested within three years against 72% of men (Women's Incarceration in Georgia). Identifying mothers of minor children requires an open records request (Women's Incarceration in Georgia). Facility-level mental health classification data has not been produced to the Department of Justice or in response to legislative inquiry on any regular cadence (Mental Health Care and Mental Illness in the Georgia Department of Corrections). And GPS's own database still does not include McRae, the largest women's prison in the state (Women's Incarceration in Georgia).

The oversight record is thin. The Department of Justice's civil rights investigation, launched in August 2021, produced a 93-page findings report on October 1, 2024, finding Eighth Amendment violations, rampant violence and sexual violence, gang control and systematic death misclassification; GDC rejected the findings and no consent decree was reached (Women's Incarceration in Georgia). A December 2024 consultant report described the prison system as in 'emergency mode' (Women's Incarceration in Georgia). Georgia's prison death rate of roughly 584 per 100,000 compares with a national rate of 344 — about 70% higher (Women's Incarceration in Georgia).

## Where the state has moved

There is one structural change to note. In January 2026 GDC created a Deputy Director of Women's Services position, filled by Myra Orsborn (Women's Incarceration in Georgia). Set against the closure threat to Arrendale's A Unit, the zeroed-out McRae healthcare line, and the absence of a nursery program, it is a small institutional counterweight. The state has also taken up the Survivor Justice Act and, after *Cook v. State* eliminated out-of-time appeals, passed HB 176 in May 2025 to codify them with a refiling grace period through June 30, 2026 — though HB 176 does not touch the judicial narrowing of the miscarriage of justice exception that keeps people like Aaron Keith Penn imprisoned decades after a habeas court found his jury would likely have believed he acted in self-defense (The People Behind the Case Law).

National data suggests where scrutiny should fall next. Black women comprise 42% of women in solitary confinement nationally but only 22% of the female prison population, and the UN Mandela Rules classify solitary beyond 15 consecutive days as torture (Solitary Confinement & Restrictive Housing). Georgia has not published the equivalent breakdown for its own women's facilities — which is the point. The numbers that would let the public judge this system are, almost without exception, the numbers Georgia does not release.