Georgia paid $85,585,244 for 524 modular prison beds. Asked how the vendor was chosen, GDC, DOAS and GSFIC each said the record wasn’t theirs. Then GSFIC sent two undated pages: it read GDC’s information request and “made a direct selection.”
The FBI has disowned three kinds of forensic testimony and sent letters each time. Georgia’s crime lab read the 2015 hair admission, measured its own error rate at one in twenty, and told no one. The one court door that opened last year is one-shot. The other is closed by the four-year habeas deadline.
State fire inspectors found barrel bolts on every fire exit at Ware State Prison in June and told GDC to remove them. In August they found the bolts still there, new ones on the dorm doors, empty control rooms and staff without keys. Inside Georgia’s prisons, the same hardware is on the cell doors.
Georgia’s General Assembly appropriated $86 million for modular prison units sold as temporary “swing space.” GDC now calls them 524 permanent beds. The builder is owned by the Galveston family behind one of America’s largest border-wall contractors. Update, September 2: the state has since produced five executed contracts with ModCorr LLC totalling $85,585,244, signed April 25, 2025. The solicitation behind them is still unaccounted for.
Arthur Wimbush was killed at Phillips State Prison thirty days from release. The Chief of Security says every segregation bed was full, so there was nowhere to put a man who needed protecting. The medical examiner certified homicide. Georgia’s bed math is the mechanism.
Georgia’s own death investigators recorded what happened to four men at Washington State Prison. A man locked alone in a shower stall to cool down. A cell unchecked for fourteen hours. A tray at 10:19 nobody rose for. In each case the response to a medical crisis was a placement, not treatment.
Torrey Wayne Forrester died at 41 in a Georgia prison of cirrhosis caused by chronic hepatitis C — a disease curable since 2014. The Justice Department found Georgia treating roughly ten percent of the people it knew were infected. Georgia’s own profile shows it has not tested more than half the people in its custody.
Georgia’s 2024 prison mortality report has a column headed “Cause of Death.” It is empty for all 330 people. For one month in January 2025 the state filled it in — and 41 percent of the deaths were homicides. Then the column disappeared.
Georgia poured $2.4 billion in new money into its prisons since 2021 — on top of $12.2 billion spent since 2020 — and bought the deadliest years in the system’s history. Follow the money to see who really built the crisis, and why firing one commissioner fixes nothing.
James Byrd, 30, died in an Effingham County Prison isolation cell in January 2022 — three weeks after a toothache, days after staff acknowledged his infection to his family. The state’s records listed no cause. Records obtained by GPS reveal a $10 million negligence claim still unresolved four years later.