There is a sentence in the Official Code of Georgia that decides, in advance, that no one injured in a Georgia prison can be compensated as a victim of crime. Part 3 of the GPS series Who Are the Victims documents the statute that erases them — and the three provisions that would have to change.
Christian Krauch was tortured for three weeks under a bunk at Macon State Prison while GDC filed 168 paper counts saying he was accounted for. He survived. Part 2 of the GPS series Who Are the Victims documents what Georgia does to the people who enter its prisons as victims first — and the federal record now in place.
On January 5, 2026, Nicole Boynton walked free after twenty-three years inside. Georgia’s Survivor Justice Act recognized her as a victim — twenty-three years too late. The science says she is not alone. A new GPS series asks who else qualifies as a victim under Georgia law, and why the state has chosen to look away.
On May 13, a Georgia grand jury indicted former Smith State Prison Warden Brian Adams on RICO and bribery charges. He’s the latest output of a closed promotion pipeline that has produced 43 of 43 current state wardens — and the agency cannot explain why pay raises haven’t fixed it.
In 2008, the Georgia Supreme Court 4-3 confirmed that defendants could challenge a void conviction under a statute Georgia had carried since 1863. Fourteen months later, after one justice retired, a new 4-3 majority erased the rule. Same statute. Same words. Different result. Article 3 of the No Way Out series.
Maria Montalvo, Sheila Denton, Dasha Fincher: across arson, bite marks, and field drug tests, junk forensic science continues to convict the innocent. Georgia is the national outlier — and almost nothing in state law lets the courts correct the record.
In less than three months, Warden Kendric Jackson transferred 87 lifers out of Calhoun State Prison — 79% to close-security facilities. GPS data reveals a systematic population swap: stable, long-term inmates shipped to Level 5 prisons while younger short-timers arrive from those same facilities. No other medium-security prison in Georgia is doing anything close to this.
Georgia’s prison phone crackdown spent years failing to stop $1.5 million in scams at a single prison — before and after MAS arrived. The $50M blocking system is deaf by design. Georgia already has the hardware, the law, and the precedent to monitor instead. The Commissioner needs to make one decision.
Ronald Allen asked for insulated gloves before handling frozen beef patties at GDCP. He got two pairs of disposable ones. Eight weeks of medical neglect later — a doctor who never examined him — Allen lost his dominant hand. His lawsuit names 12 defendants including Commissioner Oliver.
Georgia spent $50 million deploying phone-blocking technology at 35 prisons. Homicides quadrupled. At every facility where GPS confirmed activation dates, violence erupted within weeks. The crackdown isn’t stopping crime — it’s destabilizing the power structures that kept people alive.